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This article draws from research on feminism, politics, social media and everyday sexism in Cyprus to examine the power dynamics between discourses of misogyny and feminism as produced in the public sphere. It focuses on how Facebook was utilised as both a digital space for feminist resistance and misogyny in two case studies which involve one female and two male MPs. At the crossroads of emancipatory and hegemonic particularities, we discuss how feminisms and social media operate in the socio-temporal context of the public and political sphere of Cyprus.

AbstractMedia literacy is a topic that has attracted a wide variety of scholars as well as non‐scholars. This review begins with an analysis of how media literacy has been defined by the range of contributors to the huge and growing literature on media literacy. The review then lays out the big picture concerning media literacy interventions as well as how media literacy has been regarded within the institution of public education. The review concludes with a series of recommendations about conceptualizations, research, and instruction.

Alternative media is a term that signifies a range of media forms and practices,from radical critical media to independent media, and from grassrootsautonomous media to community, citizen and participatory media. This papercritically analyzes the political content and organizational practices ofdifferent alternative media types to reveal the ideologies and conceptions ofpower embedded in specific conceptions of alternative media. Consideringseveral competing conceptions of alternative media theory, including subculturestudies (Hebdige 1979), community media for social change (Rodríguez2011), critical communication studies (Fuchs 2010), and radical media(Downing 2001), four distinct categories emerge: DIY media influenced byindividualist ideologies and subcultural belonging; citizen media theorizedby third-world Marxism and engaged in local community organizing; criticalmedia influenced by the Frankfurt School of critical theory and focusedon global anti-capitalist content; and autonomous media influenced by socialanarchism and rooted in global anti-authoritarian social movements. Thissynthesized taxonomy provides an important mapping of key similarities anddifferences among the diverse political projects, theories, practices and ideologies of alternative media, allowing for a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the limitations and political challenges to media power afforded by specific types of alternative media.

Проблема жизненного самоопределения является насущной для всех и во все времена, однако специфика социальных отношений, особенности психологического портрета поколения, живущего на определенном этапе исторического развития, диктуют человеку выбор определенных целей и задач, смыслов жизни и деятельности. В настоящее время процессы глобальных изменений в социальной, экономической, политической и информационной сфере создают в сознании человека весьма противоречивую картину мира, изменяют механизмы социальной регуляции, приводят к потребности жизненного самоопределения в условиях существенно расширенных возможностей информационно-комуникационных технологий ; The self-determination is a vital and persistent problem for everyone and at all times. However the specifics of social relations and distinctive aspects of a psychological portrait of generations living at a certain stage of historical development dictate the selection of specific goals and objectives, the meaning of life and activity. Currently, the ongoing processes of global changes in social, economic, political, and media spheres create a very contradictory picture of the modern world in the mind of a modern man; transform the mechanisms of social regulation, and lead to a life of self-determination needs in a significantly expanded opportunities of information and communication technologies

Although Italy is one of the countries with the lowest percentage of Roma and Sinti population, antigypsyism is higher than the European average. This is not due to demographic factors but to the inclusion policies adopted and the difficulties in social interaction between the Roma and the gadjo (non-Roma). De-segregation policies are needed. Meanwhile, anti-gypsyism has become "standardised", meaning that it has been minced and widespread, becoming ever more pervasive and omnipresent. It has become socially acceptable and is now part of our system of values. In the "post-truth era", Web and social media have been a crucial tool for the diversification and spreading of racist messages. The text also emphasizes the responsibility of media and politics, which continue to promote stereotypes about the Roma, strengthening the negative aspects and regarding them as a threat to the population. This attitude could be defined as a form of "organized ignorance". Roma people are highly visible in public debate, but in fact they are always judged only on the basis of stereotypes and prejudice and never seen as individuals. No mention is ever made of the dynamic nature of the Roma's identity or of the process of gradual transformation resulting from their secular interaction with majority society. Thinking of "the Roma" as objects and not individuals will only lead to their being trapped in the cage of an immutable culture. Here is the "paradox: we talk a lot about Roma and quite a lot of money is spent at the public level, but this does not seem to be sufficient to develop an appropriate policy that would provide opportunities for interaction and the possibility to get to know each other better. Contacts with Roma individuals are considered disreputable and the majority of people can happily do without.

The political game in the European Union has changed. Nowadays, EU issues are politicized in the public mass arena and demand from the European leadership more than the traditional, thin top-down communication. Concerns about the European democratic deficit and the legitimacy of the EU have made it important to engage citizens in EU issues and actively win their support.
Since citizens almost never have firsthand experience with EU issues, they are most likely to pick up political cues from media discourse. Several events have shown that many citizens have only recently discovered the implications of European integration. Apparently, much of the media discourse on EU issues emanating from unpoliticized consensual decision-making in interest-based arenas does not reach the citizens. By comparing the media discourse on the few EU issues in which citizens have become activated and engaged – either to challenge or to support European decision-making – with media discourse that has not engaged citizens, the mechanism can be unraveled that explains the conditions under which citizens most effectively become politically active regarding EU issues.
It is expected that a discourse that is highly loaded with emotions is more likely to reach citizens' hearts and minds, and thus lead to political action, than the usual technical and consensual manner of presenting European decision-making. Insights from collective action research and on media effect research are used to operationalize the key-concept "emotions". Media discourse that generates sufficient arousal to attract the citizens' attention and interest and that invokes the identity of an imagined community in relation to a sense of agency and injustice is most likely to mobilize European citizens, even on an EU issue.