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Hawkish critics of the Biden administration have been constantly agitating for escalation over Ukraine for the last year and a half.Whatever Biden has done in support of Ukraine, hawks complain that he has been too slow and too stinting in what the U.S. provides, and they have often urged Washington to intensify or widen the war. Fortunately for the U.S. and Europe, Biden has ignored their most aggressive demands and slow-walked the rest. The latest proposal from a prominent Biden critic, however, promises to repeat some of the worst mistakes of the Cold War while having little or no effect on the fighting in Europe.Wall Street Journal columnist Walter Russell Mead thinks that the right way to wear down Russia in a war of attrition is by attacking Russian interests in far-flung, peripheral areas around the world. Mead claims that "we operate in a target-rich environment" for bringing the "cost of war home to the Kremlin," and he lays out a series of policies that are either unworkable, counterproductive or useless. Among other things, he calls for the U.S. to "roll up" the Wagner Group in the Sahel, work with Turkey and others to "make Mr. Putin's presence in Syria ruinously expensive," bring pressure to bear on Russian forces in Moldova, and "target Mr. Putin's Latin American allies."Even assuming that it was practical and wise for the U.S. to do any of these things, it is hard to see how they would significantly impair Russia's war effort or aid Ukraine in a war of attrition. If the U.S. managed to make things difficult enough for Russian forces and mercenaries in other parts of the world that it was no longer worth it for Moscow to keep them there, that would just lead to additional resources and manpower being redirected to fighting in Ukraine. It isn't clear why Mead believes that the U.S. and "its allies in Europe and the Gulf" have the capabilities to eliminate Russian influence in the Sahel. French influence is in retreat in many countries, U.S. partners keep losing control in military coups, and so-called "allies" from the Gulf are not reliably on the same side as the U.S. in political and military crises across Africa. The problem wasn't that the U.S. and its allies were "standing passively by" but that they were actively pursuing militarized policies that have repeatedly blown up in their faces. Russia has managed to exploit some of the resulting upheaval to its advantage.While he doesn't spell out exactly how the U.S. would go about "rolling up" Russian mercenaries, it would presumably involve a larger military footprint and an even more interventionist policy than the one the U.S. already has. How the U.S. is supposed to operate in countries governed by juntas that work with Russia is also conveniently left out. Is Washington supposed to "roll up" these junta regimes, too? Good luck to the U.S. officials that would have to explain why more American troops are being sent into harm's way in West Africa for the sake of a dubious effort to bleed Russia. Mead never explains why Turkey and unnamed "neighboring states" would want to take part in his anti-Russia coalition in Syria. Neither does he explain why inflicting losses on Russia in Syria wouldn't prompt Russian-backed reprisals against U.S. forces there and elsewhere in the Middle East. He ascribes virtually unlimited power to the U.S. and its allies to cause serious harm to Russia without considering potential costs or thinking through what would happen next. Mead's recommendations would be effective in antagonizing Moscow and inviting retaliation, but they would do virtually nothing to aid Ukraine. Striking at mercenaries in Mali and soldiers in Syria isn't going to help Ukraine overcome its disadvantage in manpower or eliminate Russian defenses.The proposal for Latin American states may be the most far-fetched of the bunch. The U.S. already punishes several regional countries with close ties to Moscow with devastating sanctions, and this has caused those states to rely more on Russia. Mead doesn't specify what he means when he says that the U.S. should "target" these countries, but it isn't hard to imagine that he might be suggesting some effort at regime change. There aren't many things that would damage the reputation of the United States in Latin America more than reverting to the bad old days of sponsoring coups to force neighboring countries to toe Washington's line.If the U.S. took "a concerted approach toward pushing Russia out of the Western hemisphere," it would undermine its relations with many of our neighbors and possibly even drive some fence-sitting states closer to Moscow. Far from weakening Russian influence, heavy-handed attempts at bullying Latin American countries would be a propaganda coup for Moscow and they would make a mockery of Washington's claim that every country can choose its own partners and allies.The last thing the U.S. should be doing is escalating its rivalry with Russia in other regions. It would threaten to hurt U.S. interests in the targeted areas, and it would expose U.S. forces already there to additional risks while putting more of those forces into dangerous situations. It could also create additional enemies and alienate potential partners as Washington makes clear that its policy in Ukraine takes precedence over everything else. The U.S. has a hard enough time making the case for its support for Ukraine in many parts of the world, and it would face even more skepticism if it decided to start bringing the war to other continents by striking at Russian interests.Mead bills these absurd proposals as "smarter and politically more sustainable ways" to aid Ukraine against Russia, but there is nothing smart about further stoking instability in the Sahel and Syria in the name of hurting Moscow. This puts a rivalry with Russia ahead of the lives and interests of people in the affected countries. It repeats the Cold War error of treating these countries as nothing more than battlegrounds to be contested and then abandoned when the rivals lose interest. None of this would help Ukraine in the slightest, but it would likely increase costs for the United States and for the nations that would be affected by these foolish proposals.Instead of trying to widen the conflict to other corners of the globe, the U.S. should focus its efforts on trying to find a way to halt the fighting in Ukraine through a ceasefire that can become the basis for a more lasting armistice.

What appears to be the signature initiative of
Bossier Parish's new school superintendent threatens to bring controversy if
not implemented correctly and for the right reason.

Last
week, the Bossier Parish School Board unanimously awarded the job to
assistant superintendent for administration and personnel Jason Rowland. Oddly,
he was the only applicant in contrast to the last several occasions when the
district hired a superintendent, perhaps because the district over this span only
promoted from within and this discouraged outside candidates and in-home
potential candidates who considered Rowland's ascension as inevitable.

In
the months leading up to his promotion Rowland worked on establishing school-based
health clinics, both permanent and rotating, on the belief that this would discourage
absenteeism. Indeed, since the onset of the Wuhan coronavirus pandemic and lingering
beyond that, nationally truancy (defined as a student missing at least 10
percent of class days) has
doubled to about one in five.

In Bossier, where the state defines "chronic absenteeism"
as 15 or more days absent, counting students once at the state level, once per
school system, and once per site, the district's rate last academic year was 21
percent. Unfortunately, these statistics weren't kept prior to the
pandemic, and the initial foray in AY
2019-20 wasn't done at the district level. Still, then most of the district's
non-high schools than had rates below 10 percent and no high school had a rate
as high as last year's average across all of the district's schools.

He reiterated
that policy upon securing the job, which apparently won't come to fruition
until perhaps the next academic year. Bossier will join a growing number of districts in Louisiana
operating these (Caddo Parish has had these for many years, operating four
this year). Their purpose
is to provide basic primary health care resources to students, which may also
include mental health, immunizations, and counseling. Typically, a district provides
space and often durable equipment and then contracts operation to a local or
state/regional/national health care provider.

Growth in the number of these has spurted higher in
the past couple of years, not only because some districts used federal pandemic
money fueled by record debt growth to get these started but also when Democrats
controlled all of the federal government as the pandemic waned they pushed through
legislation granting more dollars in particular for this purpose. Along with
that expansion, however, has come questions about whether their presence usurps
parental authority to direct their children's health care.

While SBHCs need consent forms to service children,
some employ broad language that authorizes wide-ranging interventions of which unmindful
parents may object. For example, some push the Human Papillomavirus Vaccine
that prevents sexually-transmitted pre- and cancerous diseases, but which some
parents fear encourages sexual activity and causes adverse effects that have
landed the only U.S.-approved maker of the immunization in court. And, of
course, coronavirus vaccinations remain a sore point for many.

Also, allowing SBHCs to offer much beyond the traditional
school nurse model without limited consent and with consent interminably rather
than on a case-by-case basis opens the avenue for medical counseling without
parental involvement, much less knowledge of it that could escalate to
interventions to which parents object. For example, if mental and behavioral
health counseling is allowed, this could be abused to sway children who
complain about depression to believe this is a product of gender dysphoria.

Finally, it's not at all certain that going much
past, and spending all the money necessary to go beyond that point, the
traditional school nurse model will solve for the absenteeism problem in a
significant way Rowland claims the expanded model will address satisfactorily. The
causes of absenteeism are complex, and Bossier schools may not even fit the
typical pattern. For example, typically black, Hispanic, and low-income
students accumulate unexcused absences at a significantly faster rate than others,
but in Bossier racial differences in rates are negligible, except that Asian
students have a much lower rate of absenteeism.

Plans have been to have the two permanent clinics
at Bossier High and Rusheon Middle. The former has the highest rate although
the latter has a couple of other higher, and were chosen because they were
located in a "medical" desert. Four other schools by the same criteria, which doesn't
include some schools with higher rates, were chosen for frequent visits by a
mobile clinic. Still, relatively speaking, it seems commitment of serious grant
dollars plus ongoing commitments annually to operate would be a costly
intervention given the value it would bring and alternative uses.

In a way, schools
themselves on the issue of health can be blamed for the rise in absenteeism.
For a couple of years until recently, schools were telling students to stay home
if they had the least symptom of ill-health. Building expensive infrastructure
is much less cost effective than expanding school nursing capabilities and using
incentives to get students who might have a minor ailment to school and using
those facilities (especially when the incentives to stay home increasingly become
more attractive, principally through technology that makes self-entertainment
far more possible and rewarding in the short run).

Rowland's policy needs a serious vetting before
proceeding further if Bossier taxpayers want assurance that this won't be an
expensive solution that hardly moves the needle. High quality data need to
demonstrate a major reason why students at a few select schools don't show up
is because they don't have access to health care resources that otherwise would
put them in the classroom. Analysis needs to show the extent of the problem
cannot be addressed satisfactorily by the school nurse model. And if these data
and analyses support the clinic concept, then rules must be put in place that
ensure maximal opportunity for parents to be informed and participate in
decisions made about their children's care every step of the way.

Bossier parents and taxpayers need to have assurance
that this idea is driven by a good likelihood of a solid payoff and not by tides
of political fashion and resources, which has yet to happen.

The deterioration of nuclear arms treaties, especially within the context of the war in Ukraine, presents worrying trends not seen in generations as Washington and Moscow are one step away from direct conflict. The Doomsday Clock "now stands at 90 seconds to midnight–the closest to global catastrophe it has ever been," according to the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.The Russian Duma has advanced plans to withdraw ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test Ban Treaty, citing the need to restore parity with the U.S. which has yet to ratify the decades-old treaty. While the decision to withdraw ratification will not be as damaging as America's unilateral withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in 2002 and 2019, respectively, it serves as another reminder that attention must be directed towards addressing an increased nuclear threat, especially as war rages in Ukraine. The U.S. must lead by example — like ratifying the CTBT — when it comes to international treaties it expects other countries to abide by. Unsurprisingly, following Russian President Vladimir Putin's comments on the subject earlier this month at the Valdai International Discussion Club, the legislative process for de-ratification began at pace. Officials have clarified that, at present, Moscow does not see a need to resume nuclear tests even if Russia were to withdraw.The CTBT, adopted in 1996 by the United Nations General Assembly and ratified by 174 countries, prohibits nuclear weapon tests or explosions anywhere in the world. The treaty has never officially entered into force as several states have not yet signed on or completed the process of ratification, including China, India, Pakistan, Egypt, Iran, North Korea, Israel, and the U.S. Nevertheless, "the CTBT is one of the most successful agreements in the long history of nuclear arms control and nonproliferation. Without the option to conduct nuclear tests, it is more difficult, although not impossible, for states to develop, prove, and field new warhead designs," notes Daryl G. Kimball, Executive Director of the Arms Control Association.In part due to Russia's war in Ukraine, Moscow has increased reliance on its nuclear arsenal in an attempt to deter escalation as its conventional forces have encountered stiff resistance by Ukrainian fighters heavily backed by American and European financial and military support.Indeed, there have been several warnings (and even threats) from the Kremlin and the Russian security establishment, some more subtle than others, about Moscow's willingness to defend what it views as its existential interests in Ukraine, ultimately with nuclear force if necessary. Not to be outdone by their Russian colleagues, commentators in the U.S. and Europe appear comfortable calling Moscow's bluff and encouraging an array of options for the intensification of the conflict. The Biden administration, however, has generally approached the introduction of new weapon systems into the conflict with a healthy dose of moderation, so as to assess the reaction from the Kremlin. This deliberative process, even if opposed by many in the transatlantic community, is critical. Nevertheless, and as bitter as it is to accept, the uncertainty over "how much is too much" for Moscow does implicitly impose restraints on Kyiv's backers.While American and European commentators have proven right thus far, and no nuclear escalation has occurred, the greatest tragedy is that the day after they are proven wrong there will be nobody left to tell.Following the near apocalyptic episode remembered as the Cuban Missile Crisis, leaders from the U.S. and the Soviet Union sought to establish mechanisms to prevent once again from being on the doorstep of nuclear annihilation. These began in 1963 with the Limited Test Ban Treaty and by 1985 Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan jointly stated that "a nuclear war can never be won and must never be fought." The two leaders eventually went on to sign the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, which represented the first time the U.S. and the U.S.S.R agreed to reduce the actual number of nuclear arms. As strategic stability between the two most heavily equipped nuclear states on Earth continues to deteriorate and the deplorable state of diplomatic relations does not bode well for the return of nuclear treaties, China, Britain and others are seeking to modernize and enhance their nuclear capabilities. It's also possible that more states may resort to developing their own nuclear arsenals, viewing the possession of such weapons as the only real means of self-defense in an increasingly disorderly world.For its part, the U.S. is in the process of a $2 trillion, three decades-long initiative to upgrade its nuclear triad and accompanying infrastructure. A recently published report by the Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States paints an alarmist picture of the strategic threat the U.S. faces in the world today, and offers recommendations that will likely produce further instability. As the Quincy Institute's Bill Hartung recently wrote, "Astoundingly, the commission argues that these investments are not enough, and that the U.S. should consider building and deploying more nuclear weapons, even as it endorses dangerous and destabilizing steps like returning to the days of multi-warhead land-based missiles while placing nuclear-armed missiles in East Asia. These steps would only introduce more uncertainty into the calculations of China and Russia, making a nuclear confrontation more likely."The exorbitant expense that the maintenance and modernization of nuclear arsenals require, not to mention the otherworldly destruction that their usage entails, ought to be reason enough for the leading nuclear nations of the 21st century to work towards managing relations so as to eschew a new nuclear arms race.Unfortunately, a return of serious strategic stability discussions in the short-term appears to be more wishful thinking. Nevertheless, these conversations will prove essential once the acute phase of the war in Ukraine is over and amidst a changing international context where responsible statecraft will be foundational to collective humanity's survival. The environmental degradation that occurred when unrestricted nuclear testing was the norm following World War II is still visible in parts of the world today. While today a de facto ban on nuclear testing has long been followed by the vast majority of states, even those not ascribed to the test-ban treaty, a return to previous levels of testing — when the global climate is already suffering severe challenges — must be averted.

Актуальність. В Україні з 2014 року триває війна на сході держави. Збройний конфлікт з терористичними організаціями, так званими Л/ДНР, є лише компонентом гібридної війни, що веде Російська Федерація проти українського народу. Активні кінетичні операції 2014-2015 років змінилися на статичну, окопну війну, проте щотижня серед захисників України є загиблі та поранені. Ця війна породила особливу соціальну группу – нових ветеранів, у віці від 17-18 до 70 років, які посіли особливе місце в сучасному українському суспільстві. Мета роботи: оцінка стану здоров'я ветеранів та проблеми органзації медичного супроводу та медико-психологічної реабілтації стали метою дослідження, яке було проведено фахівцями Громадської організації "Українська асоціація військової медицини" у 2020-2021 роках. Аналіз стану здоров'я учасників бойвих дій росісько-української війни показав основні тенденції щодо поточного стану ситуації з медичною допомогою та медико-психологічною реабілітацією ветеранів АТО/ООС. Матеріали та методи. При проведенні дослідження було опрацьовано інформацію щодо стану здоров'я ветеранів, отриманих за запитом до департаментів охорони здоров'я обласних державних адмінстрацій, аналізу 1000 свідоцтв про хворобу з Центральної військово-лікарської комісії, матаріалів "Попереднього звіту Тимчасової спеціальної комісії Верховної Ради України з питань правового статусу ветеранів війни" [1], матаріалів науково-дослідної роботи ДУ "Інститут неврології, психіатрії та наркології НАМН України" і клініки психіатрії та наркології Національного військово-медичного клінічного центру "ГВКГ" [2], а також анкетування 1050 ветеранів з 24 областей України та м. Києва. Результати. Вивчено стан здоров'я ветеранів та організація медичного забезпечення. У структурі захворюваності ветеранів 44% складають захворювання серцево-судинної системи, 15% – нервові хвороби, патологія опорно-рухового апарату –12%, шлунково-кишкового тракту – 8%, розлади психіки та поведінки – 6%. Досліджено організацію первинної ланки медичного забезпечення ветеранів війни. На 2020 рік для отримання первинної медичної допомоги лише 45,4% від кількості ветеранів, які перебувають на обліку в закладах охорони здоров'я, підписали декларації з лікарями первинної ланки. Це ускладнює контроль за станом здоров'я ветеранів та ускладнює доступ до вторинної та третинної медичної допомоги. Вивчені та проаналізовані організаційні та матеріально-технічні спроможності щодо надання вторинної та третинної медичної допомоги, у тому числі медико-психологічної допомоги ветеранам в регіонах; матеріальне та кадрове забезпечення ветеранських госпіталів. Намічені шляхи вирішення проблеми медичного забезпечення та реабілітації ветеранів. На основі аналізу отриманих даних пропонується план заходів та концепція покрокової стратегії розвитку системи медичного забезпечення та медико-психологічної реабілітації, яка має враховувати як кроки до поліпшення існуючої системи заходів, так і нові перспективні напрямки діяльності. Запропонована система заходів має за мету, з одного боку розбудову системи надання ефективної медико-психологічної допомоги ветеранам війни всіх категорій, а з іншого – спростити доступ до зазначених послуг їх «споживачам». При цьому мають бути задіяні ресурси як державного, так і приватного з громадським секторів. Висновки. Система медичного та медико-психологічного забезпечення ветеранів потребує використання інтелектуального потенціалу та професіонального підходу фахівців у сфері громадського здоров'я, спеціалістів з медичної реабілітації та ментального здоров'я. Фінансування ветеранських програм має бути гарантовано Державою на належному рівні, оскільки саме ветерани складають дієвий резерв захисників Вітчизни. ; Background. The war in the east of Ukraine has been going on since 2014. The armed conflict with terrorist organizations, the so-called L/DNR, is only a component of the hybrid war waged by the Russian Federation against the Ukrainian people. The active kinetic operations of 2014-2015 changed to a static, trench warfare, but every week among the defenders of Ukraine there are dead and wounded. This war gave rise to a special social group – new veterans, aged 17-18 to 70, who took a special place in modern Ukrainian society. The purpose: an assessment of the veterans' health state and the problems of organizing medical support and medical and psychological rehabilitation were the aim of the study, which was conducted by specialists of the NGO "Ukrainian Association of Military Medicine" in 2020-2021. The analysis of the Russian-Ukrainian war participants' health state showed the main trends in the current state of the situation with medical care and medical and psychological rehabilitation of ATO/JFO veterans. Materials and methods. The study processed information on the veterans' health state received on our request from the Health Departments of Regional State Administrations, analysis of 1000 disease certificates from the Central Military Medical Commission, materials of the "Preliminary Report of the Temporary Special Commission of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine legal status of war veterans" [1], research materials of the Institute of Neurology, Psychiatry and Addiction of the National Academy of Medical Sciences of Ukraine and the Psychiatry and Addiction Clinic of the National Military Medical Clinical Center "GVKG" [2], as well as a survey of 1,050 veterans out of 24 regions of Ukraine and the Kyiv city. Results. The veterans' health state and the organization of medical care were studied. In the structure of the incidence of veterans, 44% are di­seases of the cardiovascular system, 15% – nervous diseases, pathology of the musculoskeletal system – 12%, gastrointestinal system – 8%, mental and behavioral disorders – 6%. The organization of the primary medical care for war veterans has been studied. By 2020, only 45.4% of the veterans registered with health care facilities had signed a declaration with primary care physicians to receive primary care. This makes it difficult to control the health of veterans and to access of veterans to secondary and tertiary care. The organizational and logistical capabilities for the provision of secondary and tertiary medical care, including medical and psychological care to veterans in the regions, were studied and analyzed. Material and staffing providing of veterans' hospitals. The ways to solve the problem of medical care and rehabilitation of veterans are outlined. Based on the analysis of the obtained data, an action plan and a concept of a step-by-step strategy for the development of the health care system and medical and psychological rehabilitation are proposed, which should take into account steps to improve the existing system of measures and new promising areas. The proposed measures system aims, on the one hand, to develop a system of effective medical and psychological care for war veterans of all categories, and on the other hand – to simplify access to these services to their "consumers". This should involve resources from both the public and private sectors. Conclusions. The system of health care and medical and psychological support of veterans requires the use of intellectual potential and professional approach of specialists in the field of public health, specialists in medical rehabilitation and mental health. Funding for veterans' programs must be guaranteed by the State at the appropriate level, as veterans are an effective reserve of defenders of the Fatherland.

Spiro Munayyer's account begins immediately after the United Nations General Assembly partition resolution of 29 November 1947 and culminates in the cataclysmic four days of Lydda's conquest by the Israeli army (10-14 July 1948) during which 49,000 of Lydda's 50,000 inhabitants ("swollen" with refugees) were forcefully expelled, the author himself being one of those few allowed to remain in his hometown. Although the author was not in a position of political or military responsibility, he was actively involved in Lydda's resistance movement both as the organizer of the telephone network linking up the various sectors of Lydda's front lines and as a volunteer paramedic, in which capacity he accompanied the city's defenders in most of the battles in which they took part. The result is one of the very few detailed eye-witness accounts that exists from the point of view of an ordinary Palestinian layman of one of the most important and tragic episodes of the 1948 war. The conquest of Lydda (and of its neighbor, Ramla, some five kilometers to the south) was the immediate objective of Operation Dani-the major offensive launched by the Israeli army at the order of Ben-Gurion during the so-called "Ten Days" of fighting (8-18 July 1948), between the First Truce (11 June-8 July) and the Second Truce (which started on 18 July and lasted, in theory, until the armistice agreements of 1949). The further objective of Operation Dani was to outflank the Transjordanian Arab Legion positions at Latrun (commanding the defile at Bab al-Wad, where the road from the coast starts climbing toward Jerusalem) in order to penetrate central Palestine and capture Rumallah and Nablus. Lydda and Ramla and the surrounding villages fell within the boundaries of the Arab state according to the UNGA partition resolution. Despite their proximity to Tel Aviv and the fall of many Palestinian towns since April (Tiberias, Haifa, Jaffa, Safad, Acre, and Baysan), they had held out until July even though little help had reached them from the Arab armies entering on 15 May. Their strategic importance was enormous because of their location at the intersection of the country's main north-south and west-east road and rail lines. Palestine's largest British army camp at Sarafand was a few kilometers west of Lydda, its main international airport an equal distance to the north, its central railway junction at Lydda itself. Ras al-Ayn, fifteen kilometers north of Lydda, was the main source of Jerusalem's water supply, while one of the largest British depots was at Bayt Nabala, seven kilometers to its northeast. The Israeli forces assembled for Operation Dani were put under the overall command of Yigal Allon, the Palmach commander. They consisted of the two Palmach brigades (Yiftach and Harel, the latter under the command of Yitzhak Rabin), the Eighth Armored Brigade composed of the Second Tank Battalion and the Ninth Commando Battalion (the former under the command of Yitzhak Sadeh, founder of the Palmach, the latter under that of Moshe Dayan), the Second Battalion Kiryati Brigade, the Third Battalion Alexandroni Brigade, and several units of the Kiryati Garrison Troops (Khayl Matzav). The Eighth Armored Brigade had a high proportion of World War II Jewish veterans volunteering from the United States, Britain, France, and South Africa (under the so-called MAHAL program), while its two battalions also included 700 members of the Irgun Zva'i Le'umi (IZL). The total strength of the Israeli attackers was about 8,000 men. The only regular Arab troops defending Lydda (and Ramla) was a minuscule force of 125 men-the Fifth Infantry Company of the Transjordanian Arab Legion. The defenders of Lydda (and Ramla) were volunteer civilian residents, like the author, under the command of a retired sergeant who had served in the Arab Legion. The reason for the virtual absence of Arab regular troops in the Lydda-Ramla sector was that the Arab armies closest to it (the Egyptian in the south, the Arab Legion in the east, and the Iraqi in the north) were already overstretched. The Egyptian northernmost post was at Isdud, thirty-two kilometers north of Gaza and a like distance southeast of Ramla-Lydda as the crow flies. The Iraqi southernmost post was at Ras al-Ayn, where they were weakest. And although the Arab Legion was in strength some fifteen kilometers due east at Latrun, the decision had been taken not to abandon its positions on the hills between Ras al-Ayn and Latrun for fear of being outflanked and cut off by the superior Israeli forces in the plains where Lydda and Ramla were situated. Indeed, as General Glubb, commander of the Arab Legion, informs us, he had told King Abdallah and the Transjordanian prime minister Tawfiq Abu Huda even before the end of the Mandate on 15 May that the Legion did not have the forces to hold and defend Lydda and Ramla against Israeli attacks despite the fact that these towns were in the area assigned to the Arabs by the UNGA partition resolution. This explains the token force of the Arab Legion-the Fifth Infantry Company. Thus, the fate of Lydda (and Ramla) was sealed the moment Operation Dani was launched. The Israeli forces did not attack Lydda from the west (where Lydda's defenses facing Tel Aviv were strongest), as the garrison commander Sergeant Hamza Subh expected. Instead, they split into two main forces, northern and southern, which were to rendezvous at the Jewish colony of Ben Shemen east of Lydda and then advance on Lydda from there. After capturing Lydda from the east they were to advance on Ramla, attacking it from the north while making feints against it from the west. Operation Dani began on the night of 9-10 July. Simultaneously with the advance of the ground troops, Lydda and Ramla were bombed from the air. In spite of the surprise factor, the defenders in the eastern sector of Lydda put up stout resistance throughout the 10th against vastly superior forces attacking from Ben Shemen in the north and the Arab village of Jimzu to the south. In the afternoon, Dayan rode with his Commando Battalion of jeeps and half-tracks through Lydda in a hit-and-run raid lasting under one hour "shooting up the town and creating confusion and a degree of terror among the population," as the Jewish brothers Jon and David Kimche put it. This discombobulated the defenders, some of whom surrendered. But the following morning (11 July) a small force of three Arab Legion armored cars entered Lydda, their mission being to help in the evacuation of the beleaguered Fifth Infantry Company. Their sudden appearance both panicked the Israeli troops and rallied the defenders who had not surrendered. The Israeli army put down what it subsequently described as the city's "uprising" with utmost brutality, leaving in a matter of hours in the city's streets about 250 civilian dead in an orgy of indiscriminate killing. Resistance continued sporadically during the 12th and 13th of July, its focus being Lydda's police station, which was finally overrun. As of 11 July, the Israeli army began the systematic expulsion of the residents of Lydda and Ramla (the latter having fallen on 12 July) toward the Arab Legion lines in the east. Also expelled were the populations of some twenty-five villages conquered during Operation Dani, making a total of some 80,000 expellees-the largest single instance of deliberate mass expulsion during the 1948 war. Most of the expellees were women, children, and elderly men, most of the able-bodied men having been taken prisoner. Memories of the trek of the Lydda and Ramla refugees is branded in the collective consciousness of the Palestinians. The Palestinian historian Aref al-Aref, who interviewed survivors at the time, estimates that 350 died of thirst and exhaustion in the blazing July sun, when the temperature was one hundred degrees in the shade. The reaction of public opinion in Ramallah and East Jerusalem at the sight of the new arrivals was to turn against the Arab Legion for its failure to help Lydda and Ramla. Arab Legion officers and men were stoned, loudly hissed at and cursed, a not unintended outcome by the person who gave the expulsion order, David Ben-Gurion, and the man who carried it out, Yitzhak Rabin, director of operations for Operation Dani.

"I don't think that [the war] is a stalemate," Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky told NBC News' Meet the Press on Sunday."They thought they would checkmate us, but," he insisted, "this didn't happen." According to recent interviews, his military leadership disagrees. His political inner circle thinks his insistence is delusional.Zelensky is facing pressure both from within Ukraine and from without. Growing pressure from within is coming from both the political and military leadership; growing pressure from without is coming from Ukraine's key partners.The battle is largely being played out in the Western media. Most intimately, Zelensky has faced criticism from his political inner circle. TIME magazine reports that some of the president's advisors have become worried that his "belief in Ukraine's ultimate victory over Russia . . . "verg[es] on the messianic." One of Zelensky's "closest aides" said that Zelensky "deludes himself." The aide complained, "We're out of options. We're not winning. But try telling him that."Some Zelensky aides say his intransigence hampers Ukraine's ability to adapt to the changed reality on the battlefield and worry that negotiating a settlement with Russia remains "taboo."Domestic criticism is also coming from the top levels of the military. Zelensky is reportedly in conflict with his generals over the conduct of the counteroffensive and over his demands to defend Bakhmut and Avdiivka at any cost, which the military leadership sees as a strategic mistake that is already hurting Ukraine dearly in soldiers and equipment. A senior Ukrainian military officer said that orders from the president's office are, at times, disconnected from the battlefield reality and defended some front-line commanders who have begun second-guessing and refusing "orders from the top."Zelensky's struggle with his generals intensified on November 3 when Zelensky fired General Viktor Khorenko, the commander of Ukraine's special operations forces. The commander-in-chief of the Ukrainian army, General Valery Zaluzhny, did not request his dismissal. The New York Times reports that "It was unclear whether General Zaluzhny, the overall commander of Ukraine's forces, knew in advance of the planned dismissal" and that "[t]he firing appeared to undercut General Zaluzhny's authority."The firing took U.S. military officers, who "described a close and effective working relationship with" Khorenko, by surprise. Khorenko's special operations forces had had some success with long-range strikes and sabotage operations behind Russian lines. But the NYT reports that there had been tension over what the military had "perceived as politically guided decisions on strategy" that had been ineffective and costly.Zelensky's tensions with his generals reached a peak with Zaluzhny's November 1 interview with The Economist. He asserted that the war had reached a "stalemate." He conceded that "There will most likely be no deep and beautiful breakthrough."What's worse is that Zaluzhny implied that the stalemate would evolve into defeat for Ukraine. A stalemate entails a long war of attrition. In a companion essay published simultaneously by The Economist, he explained that a long war "as a rule, in most cases, is beneficial to one of the parties to the conflict. In our particular case, it is the russian [sic] federation, as it gives it the opportunity to reconstitute and build up its military power."Zaluzhny said that in a prolonged war, Ukraine will run out of the "required volume" of missiles and ammunition while Russia, despite sanctions, is increasing its production capabilities. And even if it didn't run out of weapons, he added, it will run out of men: a war of attrition "leads to the lack of Ukraine's ability to achieve superiority over the enemy in reserves by increasing their number." A close Zelensky aide told TIME that, even if the United States gave Ukraine all the weapons it needed, Kyiv doesn't "have the men to use them."Zelensky's office censured Zaluzhny, saying it "eases the work" of Russia and stirs "panic" among Ukraine's Western partners. The New York Times calls the censure "a striking public rebuke that signaled an emerging rift between the military and civilian leadership."In addition to the pressure coming from within Zelensky's inner political and military circle, diplomatic pressure is also coming from Zelensky's international partners. A November 3 NBC News article reported that "U.S. and European officials have begun quietly talking to the Ukrainian government about what possible peace negotiations with Russia might entail to end the war." The article went on to say, citing one current and one former senior U.S. official familiar with the discussions, that "the conversations have included very broad outlines of what Ukraine might need to give up to reach a deal."The quiet talks suggest agreement by the U.S. and its European allies with Zaluzhny that Ukraine may not achieve its goals on the battlefield, that the realization of their aspirations may continue to dim with prolonged battle, and that some concessions may need to be made.There is a remarkable convergence in the language used by the U.S. and European officials and the language used by Zaluzhny and Zelensky's aides. NBC reports that the conversations "began amid concerns among U.S. and European officials that the war has reached a stalemate." NBC reports that, like Zaluzhny, "[s]ome U.S. military officials have privately begun using the term 'stalemate' to describe the current battle in Ukraine."Like Zaluzhny and Zelensky's aides, "Biden administration officials also are worried that Ukraine is running out of forces." According to "people familiar with the matter," NBC reported, "President Joe Biden has been intensely focused on Ukraine's depleting military forces." "Manpower," one of those sources is quoted as saying, "is at the top of the administration's concerns right now." Echoing the "close Zelensky aide" quoted in TIME, the same source said, "The U.S. and its allies can provide Ukraine with weaponry, but if they don't have competent forces to use them it doesn't do a lot of good."These concerns, NBC reported, have led U.S. officials to concede privately that "Ukraine likely only has until the end of the year or shortly thereafter before more urgent discussions about peace negotiations should begin."That leaves only a couple of months. With the battlefield turning against Ukraine despite Zelensky's intransigent "belief in Ukraine's ultimate victory over Russia," the pressure targeted at Zelensky seems to be building, from both within and without,, to turn to the diplomatic front and face the beginning of the end of the war.

President Biden requested more than $24 billion for Ukraine and associated assistance, making use of the debt deal loophole that excluded the Pentagon from spending caps imposed on other agencies. Within a week of Biden's request, a new Pentagon reform panel published a report on its work to improve the department's adaptability.


It's an interim report, and lawmakers can't miss the opportunity to weigh in on the recommendations the commission has yet to finalize. Congress will soon have to consider the president's Ukraine aid request while heeding calls for greater oversight of that aid — a task complicated by the fact that the House and Senate disagree on the need for a special watchdog for Ukraine.


But the Pentagon reform panel's reporting directly impacts the U.S. ability to arm Ukraine going forward and should be a priority for lawmakers upon their imminent return to Capitol Hill.


Congress established the panel — formally named the Commission on Planning, Programming, Budgeting, and Execution (PPBE) Reform — to review and improve the Pentagon's acquisition and budgeting processes, which are notoriously cumbersome. In pursuit of that effort, the commission is requesting feedback on several proposals intended to promote innovation and adaptability at the Pentagon.


One proposal gives the department more time to obligate funds while another grants the department the redistribution power "to ingest new technology and innovation or pivot effectively to an unplanned requirement without disrupting already spoken for resources."


Some budget flexibility could help the department better adapt to potential national security threats, but lawmakers should be wary of proposals that further solidify military contractors' influence on defense policy. Too often, efforts to "advance innovation" turn into reforms primarily focused on hastening the defense acquisition process and scapegoating oversight measures as the root of all ills.


Time and again stakeholders assert that red tape and budget inflexibility inhibit the department from delivering new capabilities to warfighters. But, as RAND expert Jonathan Wong has pointed out, overly focusing on acquisition speed can also introduce unintended consequences, like costly sustainment issues (or profitable ones, depending on who you ask). Ensuring warfighters have the resources they need — when they need them — to do their jobs effectively requires contractor accountability, in addition to a streamlined PPBE process.


In fact, contractor accountability should be top of mind for lawmakers reviewing the commission's recommendations for PPBE reform. That means challenging assumptions about what hampers innovation in the first place. The defense industry — well represented in the PPBE commission — claims that it can't invest in innovative technologies for the warfighters of tomorrow.


The commission appears to agree with this, writing that one of the root causes of the department's issues with innovation and adaptability is a "bias toward existing and traditional programs and approaches." Commissioners explain that existing programs have a "leg up" in the PPBE process because they're "not properly incentivized to spend money on new, innovative solutions that are riskier and need more time to develop." They go even further by saying that "faced with a choice between buying down risk and improving performance on existing program content or taking on additional risk by spending money on new, untested program content, most Services seem likely to choose the conservative option."


Tell that to taxpayers, who are footing the bill on at least a $1.7 trillion aircraft program with far greater issues than benefits, despite being marketed as the "the most advanced fighter aircraft in the world."


The Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) is another great example of juice not worth the squeeze, with the Navy attempting to retire several before they reach maturity for at least 2 years running. And with good reason — the LCS doesn't do much for the Navy. But what's so egregious about the LCS is that it failed for the same reason the F-35 program did — the Pentagon started development before the design and thorough testing were completed.


In other words, the Pentagon's need for speed created lagging performance and unforeseen sustainment costs. In the F-35's case, sustainment costs are the main reason the program is now the most expensive in U.S. history. The Pentagon's alleged aversion to risk didn't stop it from prematurely fielding these weapons, which now deliver little capability to warfighters on the hard-working taxpayer's dime.


Lawmakers should question how risk-averse the department really is (especially when authorizing funding) and consider the external factors that hamper innovation and adaptability — namely, military contractors' unwillingness to invest internally. Bureaucracy is no doubt a problem, but so are military contractors that consistently enrich their shareholders at the expense of internal investments needed to innovate.


Case in point: The defense industry increased cash paid to shareholders by 73% in the 2010s as compared to the 2000s. By contrast, contractor spending on internal capital investments and independent research decreased — despite improved profit margins and cash generation industry-wide over the same period. So the issue isn't just bureaucracy — it's also corporate greed.


Indeed, the defense industry has claimed that profits are "insufficient to finance" investments, requiring private financing to advance the development of innovative technologies. Even assuming that's generally true (which it isn't, according to the Pentagon), the government ultimately reimburses most research and development costs, generating free revenue, profits, and cash flow for companies.


Nevertheless, the interim report partially validates industry's claim that it can't afford investments toward innovation. Commissioners wrote that the PPBE process isn't responsive enough to attract private capital to develop "emerging technologies or manufacturing capacity."


The commission neglects to mention the size and scale of this so-called capital deficit. Surely commissioners aren't exclusively referring to small businesses, which certainly lack the financial wherewithal to pursue innovation independently but are also generally limited in their ability to fundraise. So how do the commission's findings fit with data indicating that the industry is quite financially capable of innovation?


The commission's scope is limited to understanding and evaluating the challenges within the PPBE process to improve it, but lawmakers are tasked with putting the commission's input in context. Contentious debates on Ukraine aid and its oversight surely await them, but the PPBE reform process deserves their time and attention, as it will have lasting effects on U.S. ability to both provide aid and ensure it's spent effectively.

La utilización práctica del efecto Doppler en la emisión láser fue propuesta desde los inicios del desarrollo de los láseres en los años sesenta. Sólo en los años ochenta la investigación realizada pudo salir del laboratorio y dar lugar a la fabricación de aparatos de medida de velocidad comerciales. A partir de los noventa estos aparatos se popularizaron rápidamente. Actualmente se utilizan medidores de velocidad láser por efecto Doppler en múltiples aplicaciones, entre las que sobresale la medida de velocidad de fluidos, para estudios aéreo e hidrodinámicos. Sus características únicas, como la precisión obtenida en la medida, su alta resolución espacial y el carácter no intrusivo, sólo han comenzado recientemente a tener rivales de consideración, como pueden ser la velocimetría de imagen de partículas (PIV). También la medida de velocidades de móviles sólidos comienza a resultar, con el abaratamiento general de los componentes opto-electrónicos, un objetivo para muchas empresas. Entre las aplicaciones de este tipo se contemplan el control de velocidad de los vehículos en carretera y el control de procesos industriales del ramo textil, papelero y de empresas fabricantes de cables, entre otros. Empresas europeas y americanas, como Dantec Electronik y TSI, por citar las más representativas, comercializan aparatos LDA de propósito general de altas prestaciones. Hasta la fecha estos sistemas sólo podían ser adquiridos por importantes centros de investigación o grandes empresas, debido a su elevado coste. El futuro comercial de la velocimetría láser Doppler exige la fabricación de aparatos más económicos y adaptados a las necesidades del cliente. Muchos de los sistemas actuales son voluminosos, difíciles de manejar y con potencias de trabajo elevadas. Se está llevando a cabo un importante trabajo para conseguir reducir el tamaño y coste de los equipos sin perder sus principales prestaciones. Asimismo la alta velocidad y capacidad de cálculo de los ordenadores personales actuales debe hacer innecesaria la inclusión de procesadores específicos para estos equipos. Presentamos el diseño y construcción de un sistema integral de medida de dos componentes de la velocidad, sistema 2D-LDA, para aplicaciones industriales e hidrodinámicas de baja potencia. Siguiendo la filosofía delineada arriba, el diseño de nuestro sistema LDA fue realizado utilizando únicamente una fuente laser y un módulo detector. Los sistemas LDA de medida de dos componentes de velocidad comercialmente disponibles, por el contrario, emplean dos longitudes de onda óptica y dos fotodetectores independientes. Las emisiones azul y verde típicas de los láseres de ion-Ar son las longitudes de onda a menudo elegidas en este tipo de medidas. Por otra parte, se ha empleado los dos canales de entrada de una tarjeta de adquisición de uso general para realizar el disparo multinivel. Esta configuración permite trabajar en cada momento con la parte de señal burst teóricamente más adecuada, con mayor valor de relación señal a ruido. Este trabajo ha sido financiado por la CICYT Proyecto PETRI 95-0249-OP: REALIZACIÓN DE SISTEMAS LÁSER PORTÁTILES DE MEDIDA DE VELOCIDAD POR EFECTO DOPPLER (LDA-LDV) DE BAJO COSTE PARA APLICACIONES INDUSTRIALES E HIDRODINÁMICAS. ; The practical use of the Doppler effect at optical wavelengths was proposed at the early beginning of the development of the laser, in the sixties. However, it was only in the eighties when the results of the experimental work could finally get out of the laboratories, and the first Laser Velocimeters were commercially available. In the nineties this kind of systems became rapidly popular. Nowadays the Laser Velocimeters based on the Doppler frequency shift find a lot of important applications, especially in some industrial processes and in hydrodynamic and aerodynamic research. The unique characteristics of the Laser Doppler Velocimetry (LDV) only recently have encountered a rival technique in the Particle Image Velocimetry (PIV), for applications on fluids. The main features of LDV systems are the accuracy and the speed of the measurements, the high spatial resolution and, of course, the non-intrusive character of the technique. Moreover this kind of systems present advantages not only in fluid applications: actually it can compete with the microwave radar in the estimation of the velocity of solid targets. This becomes possible due to the progressive reduction of prices of optoelectronic devices and the improvement of its performances. The monitoring of the traffic velocity and the control of machinery in the manufacture of paper, wires and cables or thread can be mentioned among these applications. European an American companies, as Dantek Electronic or TSI, to mention the two most representative, commercialize high performance general-purpose LDV systems. Up to the date these instruments are sizeable and expensive, and its use requires some special training. There is not doubt that the future market of the LDV systems goes through a substantial decrease of prices and, indeed, through the possibility of custom-built designs. The potential number of users would increase then in an important manner. Many efforts are now being devoted by researchers in that direction. Moreover, the important improvement of capabilities of the desktop computers makes unnecessary the special electronic processors that, up to now, have been provided by the manufacturers of LDV systems as a part of them. In this Thesis the design and realization of a complete Laser Doppler Anemometer is presented. The system can measure two components of a fluid velocity (2D-LDA) and originally it was conceived to be used in industrial and hydrodynamics applications. Following the philosophy outlined above, the design of our LDA system was performed with only one laser source and one detector module. The common commercially available LDAs, on the contrary, designed to measure two components of velocity, use two different optical wavelengths and two independent photodiodes. On the other hand, a general-purpose acquisition card with two input channels has been used to implement a multilevel trigger. The configuration performed here permits to work in each moment with the part of the burst having the best signal to noise ratio. This work has been supported by the Spanish Government, CICYT project PETRI 95-0249-OP. ; Postprint (published version)

La utilización práctica del efecto Doppler en la emisión láser fue propuesta desde los inicios del desarrollo de los láseres en los años sesenta. Sólo en los años ochenta la investigación realizada pudo salir del laboratorio y dar lugar a la fabricación de aparatos de medida de velocidad comerciales. A partir de los noventa estos aparatos se popularizaron rápidamente. Actualmente se utilizan medidores de velocidad láser por efecto Doppler en múltiples aplicaciones, entre las que sobresale la medida de velocidad de fluidos, para estudios aéreo e hidrodinámicos. Sus características únicas, como la precisión obtenida en la medida, su alta resolución espacial y el carácter no intrusivo, sólo han comenzado recientemente a tener rivales de consideración, como pueden ser la velocimetría de imagen de partículas (PIV). También la medida de velocidades de móviles sólidos comienza a resultar, con el abaratamiento general de los componentes opto-electrónicos, un objetivo para muchas empresas. Entre las aplicaciones de este tipo se contemplan el control de velocidad de los vehículos en carretera y el control de procesos industriales del ramo textil, papelero y de empresas fabricantes de cables, entre otros. Empresas europeas y americanas, como Dantec Electronik y TSI, por citar las más representativas, comercializan aparatos LDA de propósito general de altas prestaciones. Hasta la fecha estos sistemas sólo podían ser adquiridos por importantes centros de investigación o grandes empresas, debido a su elevado coste. El futuro comercial de la velocimetría láser Doppler exige la fabricación de aparatos más económicos y adaptados a las necesidades del cliente. Muchos de los sistemas actuales son voluminosos, difíciles de manejar y con potencias de trabajo elevadas. Se está llevando a cabo un importante trabajo para conseguir reducir el tamaño y coste de los equipos sin perder sus principales prestaciones. Asimismo la alta velocidad y capacidad de cálculo de los ordenadores personales actuales debe hacer innecesaria la inclusión de procesadores específicos para estos equipos. Presentamos el diseño y construcción de un sistema integral de medida de dos componentes de la velocidad, sistema 2D-LDA, para aplicaciones industriales e hidrodinámicas de baja potencia. Siguiendo la filosofía delineada arriba, el diseño de nuestro sistema LDA fue realizado utilizando únicamente una fuente laser y un módulo detector. Los sistemas LDA de medida de dos componentes de velocidad comercialmente disponibles, por el contrario, emplean dos longitudes de onda óptica y dos fotodetectores independientes. Las emisiones azul y verde típicas de los láseres de ion-Ar son las longitudes de onda a menudo elegidas en este tipo de medidas. Por otra parte, se ha empleado los dos canales de entrada de una tarjeta de adquisición de uso general para realizar el disparo multinivel. Esta configuración permite trabajar en cada momento con la parte de señal burst teóricamente más adecuada, con mayor valor de relación señal a ruido. Este trabajo ha sido financiado por la CICYT Proyecto PETRI 95-0249-OP: REALIZACIÓN DE SISTEMAS LÁSER PORTÁTILES DE MEDIDA DE VELOCIDAD POR EFECTO DOPPLER (LDA-LDV) DE BAJO COSTE PARA APLICACIONES INDUSTRIALES E HIDRODINÁMICAS. ; The practical use of the Doppler effect at optical wavelengths was proposed at the early beginning of the development of the laser, in the sixties. However, it was only in the eighties when the results of the experimental work could finally get out of the laboratories, and the first Laser Velocimeters were commercially available. In the nineties this kind of systems became rapidly popular. Nowadays the Laser Velocimeters based on the Doppler frequency shift find a lot of important applications, especially in some industrial processes and in hydrodynamic and aerodynamic research. The unique characteristics of the Laser Doppler Velocimetry (LDV) only recently have encountered a rival technique in the Particle Image Velocimetry (PIV), for applications on fluids. The main features of LDV systems are the accuracy and the speed of the measurements, the high spatial resolution and, of course, the non-intrusive character of the technique. Moreover this kind of systems present advantages not only in fluid applications: actually it can compete with the microwave radar in the estimation of the velocity of solid targets. This becomes possible due to the progressive reduction of prices of optoelectronic devices and the improvement of its performances. The monitoring of the traffic velocity and the control of machinery in the manufacture of paper, wires and cables or thread can be mentioned among these applications. European an American companies, as Dantek Electronic or TSI, to mention the two most representative, commercialize high performance general-purpose LDV systems. Up to the date these instruments are sizeable and expensive, and its use requires some special training. There is not doubt that the future market of the LDV systems goes through a substantial decrease of prices and, indeed, through the possibility of custom-built designs. The potential number of users would increase then in an important manner. Many efforts are now being devoted by researchers in that direction. Moreover, the important improvement of capabilities of the desktop computers makes unnecessary the special electronic processors that, up to now, have been provided by the manufacturers of LDV systems as a part of them. In this Thesis the design and realization of a complete Laser Doppler Anemometer is presented. The system can measure two components of a fluid velocity (2D-LDA) and originally it was conceived to be used in industrial and hydrodynamics applications. Following the philosophy outlined above, the design of our LDA system was performed with only one laser source and one detector module. The common commercially available LDAs, on the contrary, designed to measure two components of velocity, use two different optical wavelengths and two independent photodiodes. On the other hand, a general-purpose acquisition card with two input channels has been used to implement a multilevel trigger. The configuration performed here permits to work in each moment with the part of the burst having the best signal to noise ratio. This work has been supported by the Spanish Government, CICYT project PETRI 95-0249-OP. ; Postprint (published version)

Volume I -- 1 Cambridge, That Was: The Crucible of Heterodox Economics -- 1.1 The Narrative -- 1.2 Evolutions and Revolutions -- 1.2.1 The Great Banyan of Heterodox Traditions -- 1.2.2 Cohorts -- 1.2.3 The Cambridge Habitat -- 1.2.4 Which Cambridge? -- 1.3 Regime Change -- 1.3.1 The World of Cambridge: Stories Within -- 1.3.2 Worlds Beyond Cambridge: Neoliberalism at the Gates -- 1.4 The Dialectic of Competing Paradigms -- 1.4.1 Laissez-Faire: "Receding at last into the distance" -- 1.4.2 The Force of Ideas -- 1.4.3 Opposition Brewing -- 1.4.4 Evolutions and Hegemonic Incorporation -- 1.4.5 Ideological: Not the Techniques but the Purposes of Economics -- 1.4.6 Sociological: Mathematical Whiz-Kids and Ageing Dinosaurs -- 1.4.7 Beyond Kuhnian Reductionism -- 1.4.8 Mankiw's Pendulum -- 1.4.9 Solow's À La Carte Approach -- 1.4.10 Silos and Trenches -- 1.4.11 Joan Versus Hahn—History Versus Equilibrium -- 1.5 Semantics and Pedantics -- References -- 2 The Warring Tribes -- 2.1 A Sanctuary of Sages -- 2.1.1 Class to Community: The Cement of War -- 2.1.2 Community to Conflict: Cement to Sand -- 2.1.3 A Pride of Savage Prima Donnas -- 2.2 Faculty Wars -- 2.2.1 Paradise Lost -- 2.2.2 Fault Lines Within -- Wynne Godley: No Legacy No Synthesis, No Textbooks—The Samuelson Factor -- Shifting Student Preferences? -- "Irrelevance" and Irreverence: Joan and K-Theory -- Inbred Insularity, Complacency -- Simultaneities in the Demographic Lifecycle -- Lack of Internal Group Coherence -- The Heterodox Camp: No Chairs—Sorry, Standing Room Only -- A Break in Intergenerational Transmission, in the Reproduction of Traditions -- 2.3 Godfathers, Uncles and Nephews: The Gathering Foe -- 2.3.1 The Trojan Horse: By the Pricking of My Thumbs -- 2.3.2 Forming the Academy -- Meanwhile, at the Orthodox Party—A Merry Game of Musical Chairs -- 2.3.3 The Chess Master -- 2.4 The Campaign: How the War Was Lost and Won -- 2.4.1 The Orthodox Gambit: Capture the External Commanding Heights -- 2.4.2 Carrots and Commanders -- 2.4.3 Modus Operandi: Masters, Mandarins and Interlocking Committees -- References -- 3 Worlds Beyond Cambridge: The Global Web of the 'Neoliberal Thought Collective' -- 3.1 Conjunctures -- 3.1.1 1930s, The Prelude -- LSE Versus Cambridge -- Émigré Economists: The Benefactions of Lenin and Hitler -- 3.1.2 1940s, The Cascade -- 3.1.3 Keynesianism: Divergent Receptions -- Post-war Affinity in the UK -- Post-New Deal Hostility in the USA -- 3.2 Spreading the Word: Messiahs, Messages, Methods -- 3.2.1 Ideas and Ideologies: Manufacturers and Retailers -- 3.2.2 USA: Early Ideological Entrepreneurs of Libertarianism -- Harold Luhnow: The Volker Fund and its Dollars -- Foundation for Economic Education (FEE) and its Facilitators -- 3.2.3 Europe: Friedrich Hayek and the Mont Pelerin Society -- Antecedents -- Pilgrims Atop a Mountain, Mont Pelerin, Switzerland, April 1947 -- Financial Sponsors -- The First Meeting of Minds -- Sarcastic Schumpeter, Sceptical Solow, Scathing Samuelson -- 3.2.4 UK: Antony Fisher, Global Venture Capitalist of Think Tanks -- 3.3 Branding the Message: The 'Nobel' Prize -- 3.3.1 The Stockholm Connection: Ideological Entrepreneurs -- 3.3.2 Some Early Awards: Setting the Direction -- Jan Tinbergen—Ragnar Frisch 1969 -- Samuelson 1970 -- Gunnar Myrdal—Friedrich von Hayek 1974 -- Milton Friedman 1976 -- 3.3.3 Mont Pelerin Society and the 'Nobel'—A Golden Embrace -- 3.3.4 Cambridge Heterodoxy? -- 3.3.5 'An Ideological Coup' -- 3.4 Reaching Politics: Weaponising the Message -- 3.4.1 Santiago de Chile: Pinochet the Pioneer -- Chicago and its Cowboys -- Thatcher: Romancing Pinochet's Chile -- 3.4.2 The White House: Reagan, a Disciple -- 3.4.3 10 Downing Street: Thatcher, a Devotee -- More than its Weight in Gold—The Market Price of Symbolic Capital -- 3.4.4 Pulling Together -- 3.5 Besieging Cambridge: The Chicago–MIT–LSE Trinity -- 3.5.1 A Cross-Atlantic Triangle -- 3.5.2 Diversity of Practice -- 3.5.3 Unity of Purpose -- References -- 4 Camp Skirmishes Over Interstitial Spaces: Journals, Seminars, Textbooks -- 4.1 The Battle of Teruel—The Day before -- 4.2 Journals -- 4.2.1 EJ Leaves 'Home'—The Loss of a Flagship -- 4.2.2 CJE Arrives—A Forum of One's Own -- 4.2.3 Cambridge Economic Policy Review: One Crowded Hour of Glorious Life -- 4.3 Seminars -- 4.3.1 Cambridge Economic Club—A Marshallian Precursor: 1884–1890, 1896–? -- 4.3.2 Political Economy Club: From Keynes to Robertson to Kahn—Dazzling to Dour -- 4.3.3 The Marshall Society: A Socialisation into Economics and Its Purposes -- 4.3.4 Piero Sraffa's Research Students Seminar: A Precocious Nursery -- 4.3.5 In Retrospect, Austin Robinson on the Cambridge Circus: The Engine Room of The General Theory -- 4.3.6 Cambridge–LSE Joint Seminar: Jousting Juniors -- 4.3.7 Kahn's 'Secret' Seminar at King's: Fires in the Kitchen -- 4.3.8 The Richard Stone Common Room: Typhoo and Typhoons -- 4.3.9 Ajit Singh's Political Economy Seminar at Queens': Young Turks -- 4.3.10 Arestis and Kitson Political Economy Seminar at St. Catherine's College -- 4.3.11 Hahn's Churchill Seminar: Only Maths and Neoclassicals, Others Beware -- 4.3.12 Cambridge Growth Project Seminar at DAE -- 4.3.13 Hahn's 'Quaker' Risk Seminar: The Rising Tide -- 4.3.14 Matthews's CLARE Group: The Master's Lodge of Moderate Practitioners -- 4.3.15 Lawson—Realism and Social Ontology: Ways of Seeing and Framing -- 4.4 Textbooks -- 4.4.1 Distant Thunder: Keynes and McCarthy, Tarshis and Samuelson -- 4.4.2 Lawrence Klein and the Paradox of The Keynesian Revolution -- Puzzle -- Ph.D.—At Samuelson's Feet -- Cowles Commission—The New Dealers -- The Keynesian Revolution: The Extra Chapter— Klein, Then a Closet Marxist? -- Beyond Keynes -- UMich and McCarthyism -- Policy to Forecasting -- Resolution -- 4.4.3 'Death of a Revolutionary Textbook': Robinson and Eatwell -- 4.4.4 An 'Applied Economics' Textbook That Wasn't: Joan and Young Friends -- 4.5 The Battle of Teruel—The Day After -- Appendix 4.1: First off the Blocks: Mabel Timlin's Keynesian Economics, 1942 -- References -- 5 The DAE Trilogy -- 5.1 Origins and Evolution -- 5.1.1 Origins -- 5.1.2 Evolution: Substance and Styles -- 5.1.3 Foundations of Stone -- 5.1.4 Reddaway's Method: Eclectic Development -- 5.1.5 Godley: Turbulent Times -- 5.2 End of the Golden Age: The Decade of Discontent -- 5.3 The Trilogy: Discrete Episodes or a Serial Campaign? -- Appendix 5.1: DAE—Finding a Good Home -- References -- 6 Cambridge Economic Policy Group: Beheading a Turbulent Priest -- 6.1 Charged Conjuncture -- 6.1.1 Imbroglios of 1974: Old Versus New Cambridge Versus the Establishment -- 6.1.2 The Enigma of Kahn -- 6.1.3 Kaldor: On Radical Policy Implications of New Cambridge, 1976 -- 6.1.4 Cambridge Squabbles: Spillover into Whitehall? -- 6.1.5 Triggering Crisis: The Pivot of the OPEC Price Hikes -- 6.1.6 1979: Enter Margaret Thatcher, Right-Wing, Upfront -- 6.1.7 The Case of the Odd Consensus: The Letter by 364 Economists, 1981 -- 6.1.8 Thatcher in the Garage of the Federal Reserve -- 6.1.9 1981: Brixton Riots, Toxteth Fires: "A Concentration of Hopelessness" -- 6.1.10 The CEPG: A Thorn in the Thatcher Hide -- 6.1.11 The Bogey of Import Controls and the Spectre of Bennism -- 6.2 SSRC and CEPG: Dispensing Instant Injustice -- 6.2.1 Posner's Parlour -- 6.2.2 Posner's Process -- 6.3 Epilogue -- 6.3.1 Vengeance -- 6.3.2 The Team Scattered -- 6.3.3 The Model Reincarnated -- 6.3.4 The Rehabilitation of Wynne -- 6.3.5 Wynne Godley: 'My Credo' … -- 6.3.6 The Pacification of the CEPG -- Appendix 6.1: Old Cambridge, New Cambridge, 1974: and All the King's Men -- 1. Letter WG to RFK 23 May 1974. JVR/ vii/228/3/3 -- 2. Letter NK to RFK 20 May 1974. JVR/ vii/228/3/14-16 -- 3. Letter from RFK and MP to NK 24 May 1974. JVR/vii/228/3/17-20 -- 4. Letter from RFK and MP to NK 28 May 1974. JVR/vii/228/3/24 -- 5. Letter from FC to RFK 29 May 1974. JVR/7/228/3/25 -- 6. Reply from RFK to FC 6 June 1974. JVR/7/228/3/24 -- 7. In the interim, NK replied to RFK and MP. JVR/7/228/3/26 -- 8. Letter from NK to RFK. RFK/12/2/132/3 -- References -- 7 'Unintended' Collateral Damage? The Cambridge Economic Policy Group and the Joseph-Rothschild-Posner SSRC Enquiry, 1982 -- 7.1 Joseph—Rothschild—Posner—Godley -- 7.2 The Posner-the-Saviour Narrative -- 7.3 Setting Up the Enquiry -- 7.4 Who Proposed Rothschild? -- 7.5 Rothschild Report Writing Process -- 7.6 The Judgement of Rothschild -- 7.7 Between Draft and Release and Response: Handshakes and Cigars -- 7.8 Did Posner Get Away with Just a Change of Name? -- 7.9 CEPG—Collateral Damage? Or, Traded Down the River? -- 7.10 The Rothschild Report: Gleanings on Macroeconomic Modelling -- 7.11 Lord Kaldor—Off the Record, Off the Cuff, Off the Mark? -- 7.12 Lord Harris' Vitriol -- 7.13 Catholicity and Independence -- 7.14 Rothschild's Last Word -- 7.15 Joseph's Last Laugh -- References -- 8 Cambridge Growth Project: Running the Gauntlet -- 8.1 Background and Conjuncture -- 8.1.1 The Decision -- 8.2 Substantive Issues -- 8.2.1 No Innovation? -- 8.2.2 Catholicity, Turnover and the Value of Disaggregation -- 8.2.3 Use of Input-Output Tables -- 8.2.4 CGP Presence in Policy Debates -- 8.2.5 Insularity -- 8.2.6 On Exploiting the Cheap Labour of Graduate Students -- 8.3 Issues of Procedural Probity -- 8.3.1 Shifting Goalposts Across Evaluations -- 8.3.2 Unequal Application of Criterion of Commercial Funding -- 8.3.3 Public Good or Private Resource? -- 8.3.4 ESRC Ignored CGP Model Performance: Why? -- 8.3.5 Compromised 'Independent' Evidence -- 8.4 Other Concerns -- 8.4.1 'Reds'? -- 8.4.2 Crowding Out Competitors? -- 8.4.3 Deadweight Loss of Built-up Intellectual Capital -- 8.4.4 Gratuitously Offensive: Up Close and Out of Order -- 8.4.5 The Consortium: 'Revived Talk of Conspiracy Theory' -- 8.4.6 I.

Speaking at a campaign event on October 20, President Biden clearly linked Hamas's brutal surprise attack on Israel to the highly publicized normalization talks with Saudi Arabia, explaining, "One of the reasons Hamas moved on Israel … they knew that I was about to sit down with the Saudis." While the talks have since paused, the incentives for rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Israel still remain, assuming a wider war does not confound the present calculus.Saudi Arabia reportedly stands to benefit from U.S. nuclear assistance and a potential defense pact if the deal goes through, which would represent a galactic shift in the U.S.-Saudi relationship. Normalization was already a prized goal for Israel, but it is now highly incentivized to isolate Hamas from the Arab world by normalizing relations with Saudi Arabia and building on the Abraham Accords. And President Biden may view a breakthrough as his legacy achievement in the Middle East, given that the Iran nuclear deal is hanging by a thread.As presently envisioned, the tripartite deal relies on the United States to grease the wheels for there to be any breakthrough in normalization talks. But it is some expensive grease. The United States and Saudi Arabia have spent a decade negotiating the limits of a nuclear power program to no avail, and Saudi leaders routinely threaten to acquire nuclear weapons if Iran does. Acceding to Saudi demands on this issue would represent a stark break in U.S. nonproliferation policy, but the transfer of enrichment technology is highly unlikely. Instead, the United States' pursuit of influence over the program might result in concessions, allowing Riyadh access to enrichment capabilities without exerting control over them, unlike the situation with Iran. The measure of policy success should be the extent of knowledge and technology retained by Riyadh in the event of U.S. withdrawal.Saudi Arabia's Nuclear QuestSince its inception, the Saudi nuclear program has never been fully isolated from regional security dynamics. Saudi Arabia announced its nuclear ambitions in 2006 along with the heads of the other Gulf Cooperation Council members at a time when Washington was warming up to the idea of negotiating with Iran over its by-then halted military nuclear program. While the Saudis have played up the energy security angle, the initially quiet, and eventually explicit, message was that if Iran was allowed to maintain its nuclear program, then the Saudis must follow along in stride.The U.S. and Saudi Arabia have tried to negotiate a nuclear cooperation agreement (NCA) since 2012. An NCA would provide assurances for the peaceful use of nuclear technology, and the key point of contentions has been over access to enrichment and reprocessing technology. If a state develops a latent nuclear capacity with ostensibly peaceful nuclear technology, the threat of proliferation can hang over all security interactions. Specifically, a state's possession of uranium enrichment or spent fuel reprocessing technologies determines its latent capacity to produce the fissile material for the core of a nuclear weapon, which is the challenge presently posed by Iran.The Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations all eventually settled on requiring Saudi Arabia to forgo enrichment and reprocessing technology — also known as the "gold standard" which the UAE and Taiwan have adhered to — and to implement an Additional Protocol to its safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) — the U.N.'s nuclear watchdog. The exact conditions are uncertain, but reports suggest that building an enrichment plant with Saudi investment, either in the U.S. or, as suggested by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace nuclear expert Mark Hibbs, a black-box centrifuge enrichment plant in Saudi Arabia but under complete U.S. control, is under discussion today.Regarding safeguards, Saudi Arabia is finally in negotiations with the IAEA to grant nuclear inspectors access to sites where nuclear material may be present. For almost two decades, the country maintained minimal safeguards for its growing nuclear program. While it was not an imperative for Saudi Arabia to negotiate an Additional Protocol with the IAEA until it was prepared to handle large quantities of nuclear material, addressing these concerns earlier would have alleviated proliferation fears. Not doing so raised more questions about Riyadh's intentions.The Slippery Slope and the Role of CongressSaudi Arabia views the Iran nuclear deal as the regional standard and argues that if Iran can maintain its enrichment program — even though the country suffers from crippling economic sanctions — then Riyadh should similarly be allowed access to the full nuclear fuel cycle. If the United States deviates from its long-standing nonproliferation policy and enables a path to Saudi enrichment, then the UAE will likely renegotiate the terms of its NCA, Turkey and Egypt may turn to Russia and China for enrichment plants, and the region may slide into a nuclear race.However, Congress has a significant oversight role to play. It should sound strange that Congress gets the ultimate say in whether there is a normalization deal between two countries on the other side of the world, but Riyadh's conditions of U.S. nuclear assistance will require congressional approval and a defense pact might require congressional approval. While any NCA would require congressional review, a defense pact, on the other hand, could come in many different forms.For example, a NATO-style Article 5 commitment that an attack on one ally is considered an attack on all would require congressional ratification while a Bahrain-style Comprehensive Security Integration and Prosperity Agreement (C-SIPA) is an internationally binding agreement that does not require congressional ratification. The political lift and the role of Congress depends on the final shape of each condition. However, it is prudent to prepare for the scenario that U.S.-Saudi relations deteriorate; an imaginable scenario as U.S. lawmakers have called to withdraw troops over oil disputes as recently as last year, and presidential candidate Joe Biden said he would make them "pay the price, and make them in fact the pariah that they are."In an October 24 readout from the White House, President Biden and Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Salman "affirmed the importance of working towards a sustainable peace between Israelis and Palestinians as soon as the crisis subsides, building on the work that was already underway between Saudi Arabia and the United States over recent months." Normalization talks may resume at some point, but it is crucial for the U.S. inter-agency process and Congress to prioritize long-term nonproliferation threats over meeting Riyadh's immediate demands.

Introduction. The main purpose of pre-university educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence ofRussia, e.g. Suvorov Military Schools, Nakhimov Naval Schools, presidential schools and cadet corps, is to educate graduates, who are highly motivated and sufficiently prepared for military vocational activities, including graduates' general physical fitness. Successful performance of the task is complicated by the fact that educational process in such organisations has a general educational orientation, which is common for the entire system of school education. However, it is obvious that the specifics of the mission of preuniversity educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation requires more intensive physical activities, which improve health and increase physical endurance of students, taking into account their age-specific physiological characteristics. In this regard, it is necessary to develop a variable methodological block as a supplement to an invariant part of the main programme of physical culture, which will be aimed at stimulating the development of motor and power capabilities, skills and professionally significant qualities of future military personnel.The aim of the research was to select and scientifically justify the introduction of appropriate and effective means for high-school students' physical education in pre-university educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence ofRussia.Methodology and research methods. To identify the appropriate ways of solution of the problems of profile physical education of potential officers at the stage pre-professional development, the methodological framework was based on the theory of physical culture and sport, individually-modular approach to the development of the system of professional and applied physical training, its principles and regularities, conceptual provisions of health preservation in adolescence and youth. In the course of the research, the authors thoroughly studied the scientific and methodological sources, regulatory and legal base of the organisation of educational process, questions of its planning and control of all forms and activities of students' physical training in military schools. The following methods were applied: interview, pedagogical observation, questionnaire survey, technique of entrance and final testing of selection of the research participants, formative experi ment, monitoring, comparative analysis and systematisation of indicators (resultant scores) of sports achievements of examinees. Experimental data were processed by the methods of mathematical statistics.Results and scientific novelty. The selection of means of physical training in pre-university all-service military and naval educational institutions was made on the basis of theoretical and statistical material of analytical review and collected empirical data and pedagogical experience in 17 pre-university educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence of Russia (n = 607). The list of the most productive means is made. The quantitative ratio of military-applied methods, which positively influence the system of physical training in the 10th-11th grades, is established. The pilot testing showed that systematic use of special training exercises of military-applied orientation significantly improves the indicators of physical training of students. The analysis of students' questionnaires before and after the experiment revealed strengthening of students' moral stability, growing interest in military science and motivation to studying of an applied training material, as well as significant increase in the number of applicants seeking to continue their training in higher educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation and to dedicate their lives to military service. The proposals and practical recommendations on purposeful introduction of complexes of specialised physical exercises and elements of disciplines of military-applied sports to educational process are formulated.Practical significance. The results of the research can be employed to plan and organise physical training of high-school students of pre-university educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence ofRussia as additional programme and methodological support at the initial stage of military-applied physical training of future military specialists. ; Введение. Главное предназначение довузовских образовательных учреждений Министерства обороны Российской Федерации (ДОУ МО РФ): суворовских, нахимовских, президентских училищ и кадетских корпусов - заключается в воспитании выпускников, обладающих высокой мотивацией к военно-профессиональной деятельности и достаточно подготовленных к ней, в том числе в физическом отношении. Успешное выполнение поставленной задачи осложняется тем, что процесс физвоспитания в подобных организациях имеет общеобразовательную направленность, типичную для всей системы на школьной ступени обучения. Однако очевидно, что специфика миссии ДОУ МО РФ требует более интенсивных спортивных нагрузок, укрепляющих здоровье и повышающих выносливость воспитанников, с учетом их возрастных физиологических особенностей. В этой связи необходима разработка дополнительного к инвариантной части основной программы физической культуры вариативного методического блока, стимулирующего развитие двигательно-силовых умений, навыков и профессионально значимых качеств будущих военнослужащих. Цель представленного в статье исследования состояла в формировании и научном обосновании внедрения в учебный процесс ДОУ МО РФ комплекса специализированных, соответствующих профилю образовательного учреждения средств физподготовки учащихся старших классов.Методология и методики. Методологической базой поиска оптимальных способов решения проблемы профильного физического воспитания потенциальных офицеров на этапе их предпрофессионального становления послужили теория физической культуры и спорта, индивидуально-модульный подход к построению системы профессионально-прикладной физической подготовки, ее принципы и закономерности, концептуальные положения здоровьесбережения в подростковом и юношеском возрасте. В ходе работы изучались научно методические источники, нормативная и правовая база организации учебного процесса, вопросы его планирования и контроля всех форм и мероприятий физподготовки суворовцев, нахимовцев и кадет. Применялись методы опроса, педагогического наблюдения, анкетирования, методики входного и итогового тестирования выборки участников исследования, формирующий эксперимент, мониторинг, сравнительный анализ и систематизация показателей (зачетных оценок) спортивных достижений испытуемых. Экспериментальные данные обрабатывались методами математической статистики. Результаты и научная новизна. С опорой на теоретический и статистический материал аналитического обзора, собранную в 17 ДОУ МО РФ (n = 607) эмпирическую фактологию и педагогический опыт произведена селекция средств физического воспитания контингента довузовских общевойсковых и военно-морских учебных заведений. Составлен перечень наиболее продуктивных из этих средств. Установлено количественное соотношение методов военно-прикладного профиля, положительно влияющих на систему физподготовки в 10-11-х классах. Экспериментальная проверка показала, что системное использование специальных упражнений военно-прикладной направленности существенно улучшает показатели физической подготовки воспитанников. Анализ анкетных опросов обучающихся до и после эксперимента выявил у них усиление морально-нравственной устойчивости, повышение интереса к военному делу и мотивации к изучению прикладного учебного материала, а также достоверное увеличение количества желающих продолжить свое обучение в вузах Минобороны России и связать свою дальнейшую жизнь с военной службой. Сформулированы предложения и практические рекомендации по целенаправленному внедрению в учебно-воспитательный процесс комплексов специализированных физических упражнений, а также элементов дисциплин военно-прикладных видов спорта. Практическая значимость. Результаты исследования могут быть использованы при планировании и организации физического воспитания учащихся старших классов ДОУ МО РФ в качестве дополнительного программнометодического обеспечения начального этапа военно-прикладной физической подготовки будущих военных специалистов.

Introduction. The main purpose of pre-university educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence ofRussia, e.g. Suvorov Military Schools, Nakhimov Naval Schools, presidential schools and cadet corps, is to educate graduates, who are highly motivated and sufficiently prepared for military vocational activities, including graduates' general physical fitness. Successful performance of the task is complicated by the fact that educational process in such organisations has a general educational orientation, which is common for the entire system of school education. However, it is obvious that the specifics of the mission of preuniversity educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation requires more intensive physical activities, which improve health and increase physical endurance of students, taking into account their age-specific physiological characteristics. In this regard, it is necessary to develop a variable methodological block as a supplement to an invariant part of the main programme of physical culture, which will be aimed at stimulating the development of motor and power capabilities, skills and professionally significant qualities of future military personnel.The aim of the research was to select and scientifically justify the introduction of appropriate and effective means for high-school students' physical education in pre-university educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence ofRussia.Methodology and research methods. To identify the appropriate ways of solution of the problems of profile physical education of potential officers at the stage pre-professional development, the methodological framework was based on the theory of physical culture and sport, individually-modular approach to the development of the system of professional and applied physical training, its principles and regularities, conceptual provisions of health preservation in adolescence and youth. In the course of the research, the authors thoroughly studied the scientific and methodological sources, regulatory and legal base of the organisation of educational process, questions of its planning and control of all forms and activities of students' physical training in military schools. The following methods were applied: interview, pedagogical observation, questionnaire survey, technique of entrance and final testing of selection of the research participants, formative experi ment, monitoring, comparative analysis and systematisation of indicators (resultant scores) of sports achievements of examinees. Experimental data were processed by the methods of mathematical statistics.Results and scientific novelty. The selection of means of physical training in pre-university all-service military and naval educational institutions was made on the basis of theoretical and statistical material of analytical review and collected empirical data and pedagogical experience in 17 pre-university educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence of Russia (n = 607). The list of the most productive means is made. The quantitative ratio of military-applied methods, which positively influence the system of physical training in the 10th-11th grades, is established. The pilot testing showed that systematic use of special training exercises of military-applied orientation significantly improves the indicators of physical training of students. The analysis of students' questionnaires before and after the experiment revealed strengthening of students' moral stability, growing interest in military science and motivation to studying of an applied training material, as well as significant increase in the number of applicants seeking to continue their training in higher educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation and to dedicate their lives to military service. The proposals and practical recommendations on purposeful introduction of complexes of specialised physical exercises and elements of disciplines of military-applied sports to educational process are formulated.Practical significance. The results of the research can be employed to plan and organise physical training of high-school students of pre-university educational institutions of the Ministry of Defence ofRussia as additional programme and methodological support at the initial stage of military-applied physical training of future military specialists. ; Введение. Главное предназначение довузовских образовательных учреждений Министерства обороны Российской Федерации (ДОУ МО РФ): суворовских, нахимовских, президентских училищ и кадетских корпусов - заключается в воспитании выпускников, обладающих высокой мотивацией к военно-профессиональной деятельности и достаточно подготовленных к ней, в том числе в физическом отношении. Успешное выполнение поставленной задачи осложняется тем, что процесс физвоспитания в подобных организациях имеет общеобразовательную направленность, типичную для всей системы на школьной ступени обучения. Однако очевидно, что специфика миссии ДОУ МО РФ требует более интенсивных спортивных нагрузок, укрепляющих здоровье и повышающих выносливость воспитанников, с учетом их возрастных физиологических особенностей. В этой связи необходима разработка дополнительного к инвариантной части основной программы физической культуры вариативного методического блока, стимулирующего развитие двигательно-силовых умений, навыков и профессионально значимых качеств будущих военнослужащих.Цель представленного в статье исследования состояла в формировании и научном обосновании внедрения в учебный процесс ДОУ МО РФ комплекса специализированных, соответствующих профилю образовательного учреждения средств физподготовки учащихся старших классов.Методология и методики. Методологической базой поиска оптимальных способов решения проблемы профильного физического воспитания потенциальных офицеров на этапе их предпрофессионального становления послужили теория физической культуры и спорта, индивидуально-модульный подход к построению системы профессионально-прикладной физической подготовки, ее принципы и закономерности, концептуальные положения здоровьесбережения в подростковом и юношеском возрасте. В ходе работы изучались научно методические источники, нормативная и правовая база организации учебного процесса, вопросы его планирования и контроля всех форм и мероприятий физподготовки суворовцев, нахимовцев и кадет. Применялись методы опроса, педагогического наблюдения, анкетирования, методики входного и итогового тестирования выборки участников исследования, формирующий эксперимент, мониторинг, сравнительный анализ и систематизация показателей (зачетных оценок) спортивных достижений испытуемых. Экспериментальные данные обрабатывались методами математической статистики.Результаты и научная новизна. С опорой на теоретический и статистический материал аналитического обзора, собранную в 17 ДОУ МО РФ (n = 607) эмпирическую фактологию и педагогический опыт произведена селекция средств физического воспитания контингента довузовских общевойсковых и военно-морских учебных заведений. Составлен перечень наиболее продуктивных из этих средств. Установлено количественное соотношение методов военно-прикладного профиля, положительно влияющих на систему физподготовки в 10-11-х классах. Экспериментальная проверка показала, что системное использование специальных упражнений военно-прикладной направленности существенно улучшает показатели физической подготовки воспитанников. Анализ анкетных опросов обучающихся до и после эксперимента выявил у них усиление морально-нравственной устойчивости, повышение интереса к военному делу и мотивации к изучению прикладного учебного материала, а также достоверное увеличение количества желающих продолжить свое обучение в вузах Минобороны России и связать свою дальнейшую жизнь с военной службой. Сформулированы предложения и практические рекомендации по целенаправленному внедрению в учебно-воспитательный процесс комплексов специализированных физических упражнений, а также элементов дисциплин военно-прикладных видов спорта.Практическая значимость. Результаты исследования могут быть использованы при планировании и организации физического воспитания учащихся старших классов ДОУ МО РФ в качестве дополнительного программнометодического обеспечения начального этапа военно-прикладной физической подготовки будущих военных специалистов.

1. OBJETIVOS La elección de la tortura como tema de investigación tiene por objetivo probar que, en la lucha contra el terrorismo internacional, se ha devuelto a la actualidad esta institución, abriendo de nuevo el debate jurídico y político sobre su utilidad en el proceso penal del siglo XXI, ahora, desde postulados funcionalistas como los defendidos por JAKOBS en la teoría del "Derecho penal del enemigo". 2. MÉTODO Se ha utilizado un método dogmático en el estudio del Derecho positivo interno, Derecho internacional público, jurisprudencia de la Sala segunda del Tribunal Supremo, Tribunal Constitucional, doctrina elaborada por los órganos de control del cumplimiento de los instrumentos internacionales que prohíben la tortura, así como los diversos trabajos elaborados por la doctrina penal al respecto. 3. CONCLUSIONES Abolida la tortura en las Constituciones de Bayona de 1808 y de Cádiz de 1812, desde el Código penal de 1822, la nueva filosofía sobre la tortura se refleja en el proceso codificador de nuestro país, que a partir de esta fecha reprimirá el maltrato al reo o detenido. La tipificación en nuestro Código penal de 1995 de las conductas previstas en los arts. 174 y 175 supone la sanción del abuso de poder por parte de la Administración en el ejercicio de la función pública, manifestado en la lesión de la integridad moral. Se trata de delitos pluriofensivos que protegen la "integridad moral" y "el buen funcionamiento de la Administración". El art. 174 reprocha un delito de tendencia (delito de resultado cortado en el caso de la tortura indagatoria y delito de tendencia interna intensificada en los demás supuestos de tortura), especial propio y, en determinadas ocasiones, permanente. La justificación de la tortura queda absolutamente rechazada. En relación a las causas de exculpación, sólo procedería la aplicación de los supuestos de inimputabilidad como eximentes completas y de miedo insuperable, como supuesto de inexigibilidad de un comportamiento adecuado a la norma, como incompleta. Del "Iter Criminis" cabe señalar que el Código de 1995, a diferencia del anterior, no sanciona los actos preparatorios para cometer este injusto. De las circunstancias modificativas de la responsabilidad, analizamos extensamente las "dilaciones indebidas", criticando su apreciación en este delito. Igual conclusión se alcanza en el estudio de la prescripción, el indulto y la amnistía. Sobre la tortura como crimen internacional, se concluye que el crimen de lesa humanidad (art. 607 bis) sanciona conductas de extrema gravedad, entendidas como pluralidad de acciones (generalidad) en atención a una política preconcebida (sistemática) que causa sufrimientos físicos o mentales en tiempos de guerra o de paz; no exige elementos teleológicos ni autor diferenciado y el bien jurídico protegido es la suma de la integridad física, mental y la dignidad de una pluralidad de individuos civiles, que interesa tutelar a la comunidad internacional. Mientras que el crimen de guerra (arts.608 y ss.) sólo se produce durante un conflicto bélico, no exige un agente diferenciado y los elementos subjetivos del injusto coinciden con los previstos en la Convención contra la tortura de 1984. Para prevenir la impunidad de la tortura, la Convención contra la tortura de 1984 establece la cooperación entre las Partes en su art. 5. A este respecto, se analiza el principio de universalidad de la jurisdicción (art.23.4 LOPJ) que, tras la reforma introducida por la L.O. 1/2009, de 3 de noviembre, restringe su ámbito de aplicación, creando una institución híbrida, compuesta por el principio de personalidad y real de la jurisdicción. El principio de no devolución previsto en el art.3 de la Convención contra la tortura, se estudia como límite a la extradición, analizando tanto la carga de la prueba como su extensión. 1. OBJECTIVES Torture has been chosen as research topic in view to prove that, in the ware of the global fight against terrorism, this practice has come back to the legal and political debate. Its pertinence in the criminal process of the 21st Century has been advocated from functionalist positions like those defended by JAKOBS in his theory of the 'criminal law of the enemy'. 2. METHODOLOGY This thesis follows a dogmatic approach analysing Spanish law in force, international public law, case law of the Spanish Supreme Court and Constitutional Court, doctrine of the bodies in charge of the enforcement of the international instruments that ban the torture, and work of the academia. 3. CONCLUSIONS Torture was abolished in Spain by the Royal Statute of Bayonne of 1808 and by the Constitution of Cadiz of 1812. Since the Criminal code of 1822, the new philosophy about torture has been reflected in the Spanish process of legal codification, punishing ill-treatment to prisoners or to persons under arrest. The Spanish Criminal code of 1995 included the criminal conducts of abuse of power by public officials or other persons acting in an official capacity, committing an outrage upon moral integrity, in Arts. 174 and 175. These are 'pluri-offensive' crimes that protect the 'moral integrity' and the 'good functioning of the public administration'. Art.174 punishes a crime categorised as 'of tendency' ('crime of endangerment' in the case of torture inflicted to obtain information or a confession, and 'crime of internal intensified tendency' in the rest of the cases), 'specific', 'in proper sense', and in some cases, 'permanent'. The justification of the torture is absolutely rejected. In relation to the causes of absence of guilt, the absence of imputability would be applicable as complete exemption, and the 'unbearable fear', understood as a case of exemption of obligation of behaving according to the law, would be an incomplete exemption. Concerning the 'Iter Criminis', the Spanish Criminal code of 1995 does not punish the preparatory acts to commit the offence, in contrast with the precedent code. About the circumstances that modify the liability, we will make an extensive analysis of the 'unjustified delays', criticising that they are considered in this crime. We get to similar conclusions related to the prescription, the pardon and the amnesty. When it comes to torture as international crime, we conclude that the crime against humanity (Art. 607 bis) sanctions behaviours of extreme gravity, understood as a plurality of actions (generality) following a pre-conceived policy (systematic action) that inflicts physical or mental suffering in times of war or of peace. It does not require finalistic elements, neither a distinct author, and the protected factor is the addition of the physical and mental integrity and the dignity of a plurality of civil individuals that the international community is interested in preserving. On the other hand, the war crime (Art. 608 and following ones) only can take place during an open conflict, it does not require a differentiated author, and the subjective elements are coincident with those of the Convention against torture of 1984. To prevent the impunity of the torture, the Convention against torture of 1984 establishes the cooperation between the parties in Art. 5. Related to this, this thesis analyses the principle of universal jurisdiction (Art. 23.4 of the Spanish Organic Act of the Judiciary Power), whose scope of application was restricted since the entry into force of the Organic Act 1/2009 of 3 November. Since then, Spain has a hybrid institution that mixes the principles of real and personal jurisdiction. Finally, the principle of 'non refoulement' foreseen in Art. 3 of the Convention against torture is also studied as a limit to the extradition, analysing the burden of the evidence and its scope.

Безпілотні літальні апарати (БПЛА) стають все більш затребуваними в усьому світі. Область їх потенційного застосування досить велика. Вони використовуються в військових цілях, при доставці вантажів, моніторингу навколишнього середовища, патрулюванні кордонів, повітряній розвідці і картографуванні, контролі дорожнього руху та ін. Ряд важливих переваг БПЛА перед пілотованою авіацією привів до більш активного розвитку цієї галузі, серед яких відносно невелика вартість при великій тривалості і дальності польоту, малі витрати на їх експлуатацію, можливість виконувати маневри з перевантаженнями, що перевищують фізичні можливості людини. Проектування БПЛА і системи керування неможливо уявити без математичного моделювання БПЛА. Для побудови математичних моделей створено швидкодіючі ЕОМ і сучасні програмні засоби, наприклад, такі, як програмні комплекси Solid Works, Ansys CFX, POLYE і ін. Виникає проблема задання та оперативного змінювання геометричної інформації для створення математичної та комп'ютерної моделі проектованого БПЛА. На етапі проектування може бути вирішено багато завдань, які ставляться перед дослідниками при використанні БПЛА. При цьому параметричному заданню поверхонь літальних апаратів приділяється недостатньо уваги. Розширення сфери застосування апарату теорії R-функцій для моделювання поверхонь БПЛА є актуальною науково-технічною задачею. У даній роботі вперше, за допомогою теорії R-функцій, побудовано рівняння поверхні БПЛА, виконаного за схемою «літаюче крило» у вигляді єдиного аналітичного виразу з буквеними параметрами. Таке рівняння може бути використане як під час розв'язання різноманітних практичних задач, так і під час проектування та виготовлення самого виробу, наприклад, на 3D-принтері. Запропонований метод задання форми виробів за допомогою обмеженого числа параметрів може істотно скоротити трудомісткість робіт в CAD-системах в тих випадках, коли потрібно переглянути велику кількість варіантів конструкції в пошуках оптимального розв'язку. В роботі побудовано 14-параметрична сім'я поверхонь БПЛА, виконаних за схемою «літаюче крило». Змінюючи значення буквених параметрів, можна оперативно дослідити різні форми. ; Беспилотные летательные аппараты (БПЛА) становятся все более востребованными во всем мире. Область их применения весьма обширна. Они используются в военных целях, при доставке грузов, мониторинге окружающей среды, патрулировании границ, воздушной разведке и картографировании, контроле дорожного движения и др. Ряд важных достоинств БПЛА перед пилотируемой авиацией привел к более активному развитию этой отрасли, среди которых относительно небольшая стоимость при большой продолжительности и дальности полета, малые затраты на их эксплуатацию, возможность выполнять маневры с перегрузками, превышающими физические возможности человека. Проектирование БПЛА и системы управления невозможно представить без их математического моделирования. Для построения математических моделей созданы быстродействующие ЭВМ и современные программные средства, например такие, как программные комплексы Solid Works, Ansys CFX, POLYE и др. Возникает проблема задания и оперативного изменения геометрической информации для создания математической и компьютерной модели проектируемого БПЛА. На этапе проектирования могут быть решены многие задачи, которые ставятся перед исследователями при использовании БПЛА. При этом параметрическому заданию поверхностей летательных аппаратов уделяется недостаточно внимания. Расширение области применения аппарата теории R-функций для моделирования поверхностей БПЛА является актуальной научно-технической задачей. В данной работе впервые, с помощью теории R-функций, построено уравнение поверхности БПЛА, выполненного по схеме «летающее крыло» в виде единого аналитического выражения с буквенными параметрами. Такое уравнение может быть использовано как при решении различных практических задач, так и при разработке и изготовлении самого изделия, например, на 3D-принтере. Предложенный метод задания формы изделий с помощью ограниченного числа параметров может существенно сократить трудоемкость работ в CAD-системах в тех случаях, когда требуется просмотреть большое количество вариантов конструкции в поисках оптимального решения. В работе построено 14-параметрическое семейство поверхностей БПЛА, выполненных по схеме «летающее крыло». Меняя значения буквенных параметров, можно оперативно исследовать его различные формы. ; Unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) are becoming increasingly demanded worldwide. The scope of their use is very extensive. They are used for military purposes, delivery of goods, environmental monitoring, border patrolling, aerial reconnaissance and mapping, traffic control, etc. UAVs have a number of important advantages over manned aircraft. These advantages include relatively low costs of UAVs at their long flight durations and ranges, their low operating costs, and the ability to perform maneuvers with overloads that exceed the physical capabilities of a human being, making their development more active. One cannot imagine the designing of UAVs and control systems without mathematical modeling. To build mathematical models, high-speed computers and modern software tools have been created, Solid Works, Ansys CFX, POLYE software systems being among them. There arises a problem of specifying and quickly changing geometric information to create a mathematical and computer model of the UAV being designed. At the design stage, there can be solved a lot of tasks that are put before researchers as regards the use of UAVs. At the same time, insufficient attention is paid to the parametric representation of aircraft surfaces. Expanding the scope of using the apparatus of the theory of R-functions for modeling UAV surfaces is an urgent scientific and technical task. In this paper, for the first time, using the theory of R-functions, we build up the equation of the surface of a flying wing UAV in the form of a single analytical expression with alphabetic parameters. This equation can be used in solving various practical problems as well as developing and manufacturing the product itself, for example, on a 3D printer. The proposed method for specifying the shapes of products by using a limited number of parameters can significantly reduce the complexity of work in CAD systems in cases where it is required to view a large number of design options in search of an optimal solution. In this paper, we build a 14-parameter family of flying wing UAV surfaces. By changing the values of alphabetic parameters, we can quickly explore its various forms.