Suchergebnisse

In the next few years, Britain will face a momentous choice in Europe. Should it join a single currency in the European Union? Or should it stay outside? This report is the result of an intensive enquiry into the implications of that choice, led by Lord Kingsdown, former Governor of the Bank of England. It examines the pros and cons of British participation; the likely consequences for the British economy, including inflation, interest rates and foreign investment; and the broader political implications of the choice. It makes an essential, non-party contribution to the clarification of the British debate on Europe.

Although the European Union has gradually overcome its «federal blindness» (Landesblindheit), the participation of peripheral territorial authorities has yet to be perfected. This paper shows a comparative study of the bottom-up participation of Länder and autonomous communities in the European Union. While the German legal system encourages and facilitates internal (or indirect) participation, in Spain, the channels of external (or direct) participation essentially prevail. After exposing the existing ways of participation in both States, a critical conclusion is drawn to evaluate the interest and adaptation of the mechanisms and responses of one system in the other. ; Aunque la Unión Europea ha ido superando su «ceguera federal» (Landesblindheit), la participación de los entes territoriales periféricos todavía debe perfeccionarse. En este trabajo se realiza un estudio comparado de la participación ascendente de Länder y comunidades autónomas en la Unión Europea. Mientras que el ordenamiento jurídico alemán fomenta y facilita la participación interna (o indirecta), en España priman esencialmente las vías de participación externa (o directa). Tras exponer los modos de participación existentes en uno y otro Estado, se esboza una conclusión crítica para evaluar el interés y encaje de los mecanismos y respuestas de un ordenamiento en el otro.

On August 4, 2020, a massive explosion rocked the Port of Beirut (PoB), destroying much ofthe port and severely damaging dense residential and commercial areas within five kilometersof the site of the explosion. The disaster left more than 200 people dead, thousands injured, andmany homeless. Shocking pictures and videos from the Lebanese capital were shared widely acrossthe planet, showing a city in ruins and the suffering of those affected. Beyond the human tragedy, the economic impact of the explosion is notable at the national level despite the geographic concentration of the destruction. This reflects: (i) the demographic clustering of the Lebanese population in Beirut and its suburbs; (ii) the prominence of economic activity in the affected areas, especially in regard to commerce, real estate and tourism; and (iii) the fact that the PoB is the main point of entry/exit for the small open economy, channeling 68 percent (2011-2018 average) of the country's total external trade. Even prior to the explosion, Lebanon was already reeling from multiple crises since 2011. These included: (i) spillovers from the conflict in Syria, which led Lebanon to host the largest refugee per capita population in the world; (ii) a financial and economic crisis that has induced systemic macrofinancial failures, including, impairment of the banking sector and risk of deposits; an exchange rate collapse; a default on sovereign debt; triple digit inflation rates; and a severe economic contraction; and (iii) impacts from the COVID-19 pandemic; Lebanon, not unlike other countries, responded with lockdowns that further exacerbated economic and financial stresses. The above add to long-term structural vulnerabilities that include low-grade infrastructure—a dysfunctional electricity sector, water supply shortages, inadequate solid waste and wastewater management—public financial mismanagement, large macroeconomic imbalances, and deteriorating social indicators. These vulnerabilities are taking place against the backdrop of high levels of corruption, political turmoil, and weak governance. Internationally, Lebanon was sub-optimally integrated into the global economy and global value chains, and the sizeable and persistent migration of highly educated human resources to foreign labor markets (brain drain) further contributed to poor productivity. As a result, the economy has struggled to reduce poverty and to generate inclusive growth, with job creation remaining weak and poorly distributed even during periods of high GDP growth. The long-run employment-growth elasticity is estimated to be 0.2,2 much lower than an estimated MENA average of 0.5.3 Meanwhile, the generated employment has been concentrated in low productivity activities as those involving higher productivity have not grown proportionally. Since foreign labor dominated low skilled (less productive) activities, high GDP growth rates have not translated into significant job creation for the Lebanese.

The Euro‐Atlantic economy has a very long history. What generations of American economic policymakers learned was that all forms of protectionism, whether they are tariffs, quotas, currency controls, or other non‐tariff barriers were all prejudicial to American prosperity. Furthermore, as the post‐World War I Dawes and Young Plans showed, and the post‐ World War II Marshall Plan demonstrated, Americans were prepared to move capital in large doses to fragile post‐war European economies in order to restart shared transatlantic prosperity. At the same time, Americans exported their regulatory institutions and economic recovery approaches to Europe, and elsewhere. American solutions were adopted by Europeans, because Europe and the United States had become a single economy – which is why American foreign policy has always fundamentally supported European integration.

AbstractThis chapter examines the relationship between the methods that the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) use to decide disputes that involve 'human' or 'fundamental' rights claims, and the substantive outcomes that result from the use of these particular methods. It has a limited aim: in attempting to understand the interrelationship between human rights methodology and human rights outcomes, it considers primarily the use of 'comparative reasoning' in 'human' and 'fundamental' rights claims by these courts. It is not primarily concerned with examining the extent to which the use of comparative reasoning is based on an appropriate methodology or whether there is a persuasive normative theory underpinning the use of comparative reasoning. The issues considered in this chapter do some of the groundwork, however, that is necessary in order to address these methodological and normative questions.

AbstractWho in the European Union drives the process of pursuing bilateral trade negotiations? In contrast to societal explanations, this article develops a novel argument as to how the European Commission manages the process and uses its position in strategic ways to pursue its interests. Rooted in principal–agent theory, the article discusses agent preferences and theorizes the conditions under which the agent sets specific focal points and interacts strategically with principals and third parties. The argument is discussed with case study evidence drawn from the first trade agreement concluded and ratified since the EU Commission announced its new strategy in 2006: the EU–South Korea trade agreement.

This study analyses the activities of the local and regional authorities (LRAs) from EFTA countries in Brussels. It generates new and up-to-date knowledge on the mobilisation in the EU by LRAs from EFTA countries; it enriches the literature on multi-level governance in the EU, so far mostly confined to the mobilisation of LRAs from EU countries; and it contributes to the debate on lobbying in the EU by third-country actors. This research identifies three scenarios of engagement with the EU institutions: the first in which the Brussels offices predominantly engage in information-gathering and networking/liaison activities; the second in which the LRAs also engage in lobbying the EU; and the Swiss Cantons, that are fully integrated in the Swiss Mission to the EU.

In the last sixty years, countries in Europe developed a common legal framework for the protection of so-called "farmed" Animals: on farms, during transport and at the time of their killing. This document describes the most relevant aspects of the sanctioning systems implementing the legislation on the protection of Animals during transport in three countries: Italy, Spain and Romania. These nations were chosen in connection with the author's collaboration with the German non-governmental organization, Animals' Angels. The association has been investigating animal transports at the international level since 1998, with particular attention to these three countries. The article draws on findings collected from the organization's field experience as well as perspectives that have emerged over time during the analysis of the various countries. This document aims to lay out the positive and the negative points of each penalty system, as a basis for a wider analysis, and to formulate proposals for a better and uniform application of a dissuasive sanctioning system in Europe. The fact that penalties are left to the competence of the member states, which are culturally different and have different legal systems, has led to an alarmingly irregular implementation. From another perspective, with protection being put in second place, this leads to competitive distortion in the territory of the European Union. The article examines efforts made by European institutions and member states to improve the harmonisation of the application of Regulation (EC) No. 1/2005. It also offers practical inputs that can be used in future negotiations of the existing laws on animal transport. ; En los últimos sesenta años, los países europeos desarrollaron un marco legal común para la protección de los animales "de granja": en las granjas, durante el transporte y en el momento de su matanza. Este documento pretende describir los aspectos más relevantes de los sistemas de sanción que aplican la legislación sobre la protección de los animales durante el transporte en tres países: Italia, España y Rumanía. La razón por la que elegí estas naciones reside en mi colaboración con la organización no gubernamental alemana Animals' Angels. Esta asociación lleva investigando los transportes de animales desde 1998, a nivel internacional, con especial atención a estos tres países. Me gustaría utilizar algunos de los hallazgos recogidos de nuestra experiencia directa en el campo y las opiniones consolidadas durante el análisis de los distintos países. El presente documento tiene por objeto extrapolar lo positivo y lo negativo de cada sistema de sanciones, como punto de partida para un análisis más amplio, a fin de formular propuestas para una aplicación mejor y más uniforme de un sistema de sanciones disuasivas en Europa. El hecho de que las sanciones se dejen a la competencia de los Estados miembros, que son culturalmente diferentes y tienen sistemas jurídicos distintos, da lugar a una preocupante falta de homogeneidad en la aplicación en la actualidad. Desde otra perspectiva, en relación a la necesidad de protección, esto lleva a una distorsión de la competencia en el territorio de la Unión Europea. Examinaré los esfuerzos realizados por las instituciones europeas y los Estados Miembros, para mejorar la armonización de la aplicación del Reglamento (CE) Nº 1/2005. Además, tengo la intención de ofrecer algunas aportaciones prácticas que espero sean tomadas en serio en caso de futuras negociaciones de las actuales leyes sobre transporte de animales.

Ein gefährlicher rechtsstaatlicher "Rückfall" in mehreren Mitgliedsstaaten untergräbt die gemeinsamen Werte der Europäischen Union und stellt Europa erneuert auf die Probe. Diese Diplomarbeit hat das Ziel einen Überblick über die Rechtsstaatlichkeitskrise in der Europäischen Union zu bieten und zu analysieren, inwieweit die Mechanismen, die der Union zur Verfügung stehen geeignet sind diese Krise zu bewältigen. Nach einer allgemeinen Erläuterung der Grundwerte gemäß Artikel 2 EUV wird speziell auf die Rechtsstaatlichkeit eingegangen. Danach werden die Instrumente, die der Union zur Durchsetzung dieser Grundprinzipien zur Verfügung stehen erläutert. Hierbei wird unter anderem auf den neuen Konditionalitätsmechanismus eingegangen und sein Potenzial analysiert. Anschließend wird die Arbeit des Europäischen Gerichtshofs dargestellt, insbesondere die Verfahren Rs C-64/16 (Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses), Rs C-216/18 (Deficiencies in the system of justice) und Rs 896/19 (Non regression principle) und deren Beitrag zur Rechtsstaatlichkeitskrise. Nachfolgend widmet sich die Arbeit einem praktischen Beispiel der Krise, der Republik Polen. In diesem Zusammenhang wird auf die vier Vertragsverletzungsverfahren und die umstrittenen Justizreformen eingegangen. Im letzten Kapitel dieser Diplomarbeit wird der Einfluss anderer Krisen untersucht werden. Hierbei wird zum einen der Zusammenhang zwischen der Migrationskrise und der Rechtsstaatlichkeitskrise und zum anderen der Einfluss der COVID-19 Pandemie dargestellt. Im Rahmen der Conclusio dieser Diplomarbeit werden auf Basis der Problemanalyse Vorschläge für die Bewältigung der Rechtstaatlichkeitskrise dargelegt und die Fähigkeit der EU (systemische) Verstöße der Rechtsstaatlichkeit zu bekämpfen, bewertet. ; A dangerous "rule of law backsliding" in several member states undermines the common values of the European Union and challenges the Union again. This thesis aims to provide an overview of the rule of law crisis in the European Union and analyses to what extent the mechanisms at the Union's disposal can overcome this crisis. After a general explanation of the fundamental values according to Article 2 TEU, the rule of law will be specifically addressed. After that, the instruments of the European Union to enforce these fundamental principles will be outlined. Among other things, the new rule of law conditionality will be discussed, and its potential examined. Subsequently, the contribution of the European Court of Justice to the rule of law crisis is illustrated, in particular the cases C-64/16 (Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses), C-216/18 (Deficiencies in the system of justice) and 896/19 (Non regression principle). After that, the thesis is devoted to a practical example of the crisis, the Republic of Poland. In this context, the four infringement proceedings and the controversial judicial reforms are dealt with. In the last chapter of this thesis, the influence of other crises will be examined. On the one hand, the connection between the migration crisis and the rule of law crisis and, on the other hand, the influence of the COVID-19 pandemic will be discussed. In the conclusion, suggestions for overcoming the rule of law crisis will be presented. Furthermore, the ability of the European Union to combat (systemic) violations of the rule of law will be evaluated. ; Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Diplomarbeit Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz 2021

AbstractThis paper examines the reasoning lines in PM Alexis Tsipras' political discourse in critical moments of SYRIZA's tenure as the ruling party in Greece. Adopting a CDS perspective, we zoom in on the patterns that underlie the (de)legitimization of the crisis-ridden EU in three seminal speeches by PM Tsipras during the Greek/EU financial crisis. To this end, we integrate systemic-functional and cognitive linguistic tools with a view to scrutinizing representational meaning, before turning to employ the notions ofendoxonandtopos/locusas a means of studying the particularargumentative inferences, triggered by the respective discursive representations. Through this lens, we show how the overall argumentation can be seen as supporting the (de-)legitimation of dominant EU austerity perspectives while transforming SYRIZA into a pro-austerity voice.