Suchergebnisse

This work of knowledge displays a reflexive study with reliable and original sources which point out how the know-do and know- be of Colombian professor is implicated by those market proposals which at the same time are promoted by public and private educational policy. These proposals look for replicating postulates of the dominant economic system in which the capital and the commercialization of human life is the ultimate goal. Colombian professor has become an active agent of market. A group of Colombian professors and students were inquired into some particular topics such as social responsibility, philosophical action in higher education, the concept of Human Development and it was possible to confirm that Colombian professor has been "broken off" from mankind project thanks to somehow he has given up to current business dynamics forgetting to strengthen the main purpose of his profession which is to provoke new forms of understanding the world. A socially responsible professor is proposed here; a professor able to resist market positions throughout consolidation of Human Development Paradigm. The social fights of professor will be guided by philosophical speech which will be turned into meaningful democratic actions. ; Esta obra de conocimiento presenta un estudio reflexivo con fuentes originales y auténticas que intentan señalan cómo el saber-hacer y el saber-ser del maestro universitario colombiano, se ven comprometidos por aquellas propuestas del mercado que están agenciadas por las políticas educativas tanto públicas como privadas. Estas propuestas buscan reproducir los postulados del sistema económico imperante en donde el aumento del capital y la comercialización de la vida humana es el fin último. El maestro universitario colombiano se ha convertido en un agente activo del mercado. Se indagó en un grupo de maestros y estudiantes universitarios acerca de algunos temas puntuales como la responsabilidad social, la acción filosófica en la educación superior, el concepto de desarrollo humano y fue posible comprobar que el maestro universitario ha sido "desgajado" del proyecto de humanidad gracias a que de alguna manera ha cedido a las dinámicas empresariales actuales, olvidándose de vigorizar el propósito esencial de su profesión el cual es, provocar nuevas formas de entender el mundo. Se propone aquí un maestro universitario socialmente responsable, un maestro capaz de resistir las apuestas del mercado a través de la consolidación del paradigma del Desarrollo Humano. Las luchas sociales del maestro estarán guiadas por un discurso filosófico que se traducirá en acciones democráticas significativas. ; Universidad de San Buenaventura - Cali

The article analyses the definition of hybrid war as well as the information component of hybrid war as a new kind of warfare in the system of modern international relations, investigates the types and components of hybrid wars. It shows the examples of hybrid wars that occur in the XXI century. The article is an effort analysis of using information as a method of driving a hybrid war as an example of information policy of the media. Also, it explores the information conflicts features in the modern system of world order. Nowadays, international relations are significantly different because of the information society. Each day with the information technologies development and society informatization new forms of international relations are created; furthermore, new methods of conflicts and confrontation between countries are being investigated. The old methods are going to the past. The winner is the state that understands this. Today there is not only the concept of information warfare, but hybrid war concept. This method of hybrid war actively using by the powerful states using information to influence the enemy, submission, including submission of population and military forces of the enemy country. The main purpose of the article is to study the information component of hybrid wars, the analysis of hybrid war specific, to investigate the concept of agenda setting and to identify the agenda setting like a method of modern hybrid war. Hybrid war being waged in all fields, especially in information has its special methods, forms and scales. It gets into all population stratums. This is a fight not only against military forces but against citizens too. This is not an ordinary war in which fight specially trained people like the military forces. There is already a struggle against ordinary citizens and the ruling elite. Such information destructive influence creates a special basis for involving later military forces too. Key words: information warfare; hybrid war; international information relations; agenda setting; information conflicts of XXI century. ; Проаналізовано дефініції гібридної війни як виду протиборства у системі сучасних міжнародних відносин, досліджено види та компоненти гібридних війн, зокрема інформаційного компонента. Розглянуто приклади гібридних війн, які відбуваються у XXI ст. Досліджено шляхи використання формування інформаційного «порядку денного» як одного з методів ведення гібридної війни на прикладі інформаційної політики засобів масової інформації. Здійснено контент-аналіз наповнення інформаційних випусків для виявлення особливостей формування «порядку денного» як методу ведення гібридної війни.Ключові слова: інформаційна війна; гібридна війна; міжнародні інформаційні відносини; інформаційне протиборство; інформаційний «порядок денний»; інформаційні конфлікти.

Science is one of the nodal forces behind the advancement and growth of a country. Given its importance, the aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between the socio-political context and the development of scientific activity through the images of Un fueguito. The story of César Milstein (Argentina, 2009) directed by Ana Fraile. The film constructs the image of a scientist who worked in state institutions, without relating to private laboratories and who always supported the universal appropriation of knowledge remaining within the Mertonian ethos. When considering what Milstein meant as a loss for the country in the past, the film participates indirectly in the discourse of Cristina Kirchner´s government policy that has encouraged the return of scientists and supported continuity in science and research. ; La ciencia es una de las fuerzas nodales que impulsan el avance y el crecimiento de un país. Dada su importancia, el objetivo de nuestro trabajo es indagar sobre la relación entre el contexto socio-político y el desarrollo de la actividad científica a través de las imágenes de Un fueguito. La historia de César Milstein (Argentina, 2009), dirigido por Ana Fraile.El documental construye la imagen de un científico que se desempeñó en instituciones estatales, sin relacionarse con los laboratorios privados y que siempre apoyó la apropiación universal del conocimiento manteniéndose dentro del ethos mertoniano. Al considerar lo que significó Milstein como pérdida para el país en el pasado, la película participa en forma indirecta en el discurso de la política del gobierno de Cristina Kirchner que ha impulsado el regreso de científicos y sostenido la continuidad en ciencia e investigación. ; A ciência é uma das forças nodais que impulsionam o avanço e o crescimento de um país. Vista a sua importância, o objetivo do nosso trabalho é o de indagar sobre a relação entre o contexto sócio-político e o desenvolvimento da atividade científica por meio das imagens de Un fueguito. La historia de César Milstein (Argentina, 2009), dirigido por Ana Fraile. O filme constrói a imagem de um cientista que trabalhou em instituições estatais, sem se relacionar com os laboratórios privados e sempre apoiou a apropriação universal do conhecimento, mantendo-se dentro do ethos mertoniano. Ao salientar o que significou Milstein como perda para o país no passado, o filme participa de uma maneira indireta no discurso da política dogoverno de Cristina Kirchner quealavancou o retorno de cientistas desde o exterior ao país e manteve umconstanteapoio à continuidade em ciência e investigação.

This research intends to analyze general features and elements of criminal acts against humanity. Also in this paper, special attention was paid to the distinctive features that are crucial in the legal classification of crimes against humanity as offenses punished with international acts and legal regulations of each state. The term Crime against humanity first appeared in the London Agreement of 8 August 1945 establishing the International Military Tribunal. In the course of the preparatory work, it had become apparent that certain crimes committed during the Second World War were not, strictly speaking, war crimes. These were crimes whose victims were of the same nationality as the perpetrators, or nationals of an allied State and were committed for different motives. As early as March 1944, the representative of the United States of America on the Legal Committee of the United Nations War Crimes Commission proposed that crimes committed against stateless persons or any other person by reason of their race or religion should be declared "Crimes against humanity". It suggests, in at least two distinct ways, the enormity of these offenses of the other criminal offenses. First, the phrase "crimes against humanity" suggests offenses that aggrieve not only the victims and their own communities, but all human beings, regardless of their community. Second, the phrase suggests that these offenses cut deep, violating the core humanity that we all share and that distinguishes us from other natural beings. This double meaning gives the phrase potency, but also an ambiguity we may trace back to the double meaning of the word "humanity". "Humanity" means both the quality of being human-humanness-and the aggregation of all human beings-humankind. Crimes against humanity, as defined by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court Explanatory Memorandum, "Are particularly odious offenses in that they constitute a serious attack on human dignity or grave humiliation or a degradation of human beings". They are not isolated or sporadic events, but are part either of a government policy or of a wide practice of atrocities tolerated by a government or a de facto authority. The law traditionally distinguishes between crimes against persons, crimes against property, crimes against public order, crimes against morals, and the like. Murder, extermination, torture, rape, political, racial or religious persecution and other inhumane acts reach the threshold of crimes against humanity only if they are part of a widespread or systematic practice.

В статье на основе неопубликованных архивных материалов, среди которых имеются и документы первичных комсомольских организаций, рассматривается участие комсомола Дальнего Востока в реализации наиболее драматичного мероприятия политического руководства Советского Союза коллективизации сельского хозяйства. Выявлено, что комсомол, являвшийся единственной легальной молодёжной организацией, активно использовался властью для решения всевозможных хозяйственно-политических задач. Помимо прочего комсомольские организации были вовлечены в создание обобществлённого сельскохозяйственного производства, а также в наступление на зажиточные элементы деревни. Комсомольской молодёжи в образовании коммун и необоснованном раскулачивании зачастую отводилась роль непосредственного исполнителя, уполномоченного применять принудительные меры в отношении несогласных. С одной стороны, молодые комсомольцы сами являлись частью крестьянского мира, с другой вынужденно противопоставляли себя ему, ведь именно ВЛКСМ, как помощник и резерв коммунистической партии, должен был принять самое активное участие в коренном переустройстве деревни. Деятельность комсомольской организации в период коллективизации вызвала многочисленные противоречия, которые возникали между крестьянством и комсомольцами, а также внутри самого союза молодёжи. Часть комсомольцев действительно стала опорой партийно-государственной политики, направленной на коллективизацию сельского хозяйства. Однако были и те, кто принял сторону крестьянского сопротивления, выразив несогласие с проводимыми преобразованиями. ; The article basing on the unpublished archive materials and documents of the primary Komsomol organisations examines the participation of the Komsomol of the Far East in realization of the most dramatic event of political administration of the Soviet Union collectivization of agriculture. It is revealed that the Komsomol being the only legal youth organization was actively used by authorities for solving all possible economic and political problems. The Komsomol organizations were involved into socialized agricultural production as well as into the attack of well-to-do farm-style elements. The Komsomol youth had a role of direct executives in the creation of the communes and groundless dekulakization which were authorized to use coercive measures towards those who disagreed. On the one hand, the young Komsomol members were a part of the farming world; on the other hand, they had to oppose themselves forcedly because the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League as the helper and the reserve of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had to take active part in the radical village transformation. The activity of the Komsomol organization during collectivization provoked contradictions between peasantry and the Komsomol members as well as inside the youth association. A part of the Komsomol members were support of the party and state policy towards collectivization of its agricultural sector. Nevertheless, there were others who took a side of peasant resistance expressing dissent from the reforms.

В статье анализируется цивилизаторская миссия русского народа в культурном пространстве Тихоокеанской России. В содержательном отношении выделяются два аспекта: хозяйственное освоение тихоокеанских территорий и распространение европейских норм права и культурных ценностей среди коренных этносов. В качестве субъектов цивилизационного воздействия, от которых исходили основные импульсы преобразований, рассматриваются государство, церковь, простые русские люди казаки, крестьяне, чиновники. Показаны слагаемые успешности цивилизаторской миссии: отсутствие у русских комплекса «народа-господина», чувства культурного превосходства над аборигенами, способность не только растворить в себе этническое многообразие евразийского пространства, но и самим стать частью этого многообразия, широкое распространение русского языка, охранительная политика правительства, оберегавшая коренные народы от возможных конфликтов с пришлым населением. Новой страницей в цивилизационном взаимодействии русского человека с его восточными соседями стало вхождение в состав России в середине 19 в. Приморья и Приамурья. Активное переселение на юг Дальнего Востока китайцев и корейцев оказалось возможным лишь с появлением там русских, сделавших данную территорию привлекательной для мигрантов. Продолжение цивилизаторской миссии русского/российского народа на евразийском пространстве в новых для РФ политических и экономических условиях рассматривается как важнейшая составляющая национальной безопасности. Показаны принципиальные различия интеграционного потенциала российской и западноевропейской цивилизаций в современных условиях. ; The article analyses the civilizing mission of Russians in cultural space of Pacific Russia. Two aspects are highlighted: the development of the Pacific territories and the spread of European rules of law and cultural values among indigenous ethnic groups. The sources of influence are government, church, ordinary Russian people the Kozaks, farmers, civil servants who were among the initiators of reforms. The components of success of the civilizing mission are shown: absence of the complex "folk-master", absence of the superiority feeling over aboriginal inhabitants, the ability to not only open the ethnic variety of Eurasian space but to become a part of this diversity, widespread occurrence of the Russian language, protective policy of the government which defended the indigenous people against possible conflicts with strangers. A new phase in the civilized interaction of Russians with their eastern neighbors was the incorporation of Primorye and Priamurye into Russia in the middle of the nineteenth century. Active resettlement of Chinese and Koreans to the South of the Far East was possible only with the appearance of Russians who had made this territory attractive for migrants. The continuation of the civilizing mission of Russians in Eurasian space in new political and economic conditions is regarded as a crucial component of national security. The fundamental differences of the integrative potential of Russian and West European civilizations in the current context are demonstrated.

The Saudi special relationships with the U.S., unlike that of the U.S. with Israel, are mutually beneficial. Saudi Arabia sells about 10 million barrels of oil a day and all those transactions are denominated in American dollars, which helps that currency to perform the role of the currency of account (world, s currency) and has been of crucial help to the American ambition to dominate the global economy. On the other hand the United States did its part to uphold the relationship be granting the security to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf oil states. This was demonstrated for example in 1990 during Iraqi attack on Kuwait, that also menaced Saudi Arabia. At that time the U.S. deployed 400,000 troops in Saudi Arabia and expelled Iraqi troops from Kuwait. The priority of American foreign policy in that region has been to keep Gulf oil in friendly hands. Since the increase of the production of shale oil in the United States that priority has been less important. Another factor which has exerted an influence on the nature of the U.S.-Saudi relationship was the signing the permanent agreement with Iran in July 2015 on the limitation of the Iranian nuclear program and normalization of political-economic relations with the West. This has led to further worsening of the U.S.-Saudi Arabia alliance which has always been like a "marriage of convenience "where behind the façade of friendship and harmony there is cold calculation of benefits and losses. That alliance will last as long as the potential benefits will still be bigger than possible losses. ; Od wielu lat Stany Zjednoczone utrzymują specjalne stosunki z Arabią Saudyjską, które, w odróżnieniu od relacji z Izraelem, są wzajemnie korzystne. Arabia Saudyjska sprzedaje ok.10 mln baryłek ropy naftowej dziennie. Transakcje te rozliczane są w amerykańskich dolarach, co wzmacnia tę walutę i tym samym dominację Ameryki w gospodarce światowej. Stany Zjednoczone z kolei starają się zapewnić bezpieczeństwo zarówno Arabii Saudyjskiej, jak i też innym, naftowym krajom arabskim. Chodzi tu m.in. o utrzymanie ogromnych zasobów ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego w przyjaznych dla Ameryki i całego Zachodu rękach. Ostatnio zmalało dla USA znaczenie tych zasobów i regionu Bliskiego Wschodu. Także zawarcie z Iranem porozumienia o normalizacji stosunków polityczno-gospodarczych doprowadziło do ochłodzenia relacji Stanów Zjednoczonych z Arabią Saudyjską. Sojusz obu tych państw przypomina małżeństwo z rozsądku, w którym za fasadą przyjaźni i harmonii kryje się rachunek zysków i strat. Będzie on trwać tak długo, jak długo wzajemne korzyści będą większe od strat.

Science is one of the nodal forces behind the advancement and growth of a country. Given its importance, the aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between the socio-political context and the development of scientific activity through the images of Un fueguito. The story of César Milstein (Argentina, 2009) directed by Ana Fraile. The film constructs the image of a scientist who worked in state institutions, without relating to private laboratories and who always supported the universal appropriation of knowledge remaining within the Mertonian ethos. When considering what Milstein meant as a loss for the country in the past, the film participates indirectly in the discourse of Cristina Kirchner´s government policy that has encouraged the return of scientists and supported continuity in science and research. ; La ciencia es una de las fuerzas nodales que impulsan el avance y el crecimiento de un país. Dada su importancia, el objetivo de nuestro trabajo es indagar sobre la relación entre el contexto socio-político y el desarrollo de la actividad científica a través de las imágenes de Un fueguito. La historia de César Milstein (Argentina, 2009), dirigido por Ana Fraile.El documental construye la imagen de un científico que se desempeñó en instituciones estatales, sin relacionarse con los laboratorios privados y que siempre apoyó la apropiación universal del conocimiento manteniéndose dentro del ethos mertoniano. Al considerar lo que significó Milstein como pérdida para el país en el pasado, la película participa en forma indirecta en el discurso de la política del gobierno de Cristina Kirchner que ha impulsado el regreso de científicos y sostenido la continuidad en ciencia e investigación. ; A ciência é uma das forças nodais que impulsionam o avanço e o crescimento de um país. Vista a sua importância, o objetivo do nosso trabalho é o de indagar sobre a relação entre o contexto sócio-político e o desenvolvimento da atividade científica por meio das imagens de Un fueguito. La historia de César Milstein (Argentina, 2009), dirigido por Ana Fraile. O filme constrói a imagem de um cientista que trabalhou em instituições estatais, sem se relacionar com os laboratórios privados e sempre apoiou a apropriação universal do conhecimento, mantendo-se dentro do ethos mertoniano. Ao salientar o que significou Milstein como perda para o país no passado, o filme participa de uma maneira indireta no discurso da política dogoverno de Cristina Kirchner quealavancou o retorno de cientistas desde o exterior ao país e manteve umconstanteapoio à continuidade em ciência e investigação.

Se trata de un artículo de investigación sobre la presencia y el tipo de participación social de los cuatro principales partidos políticos de España (PP, PSOE, Podemos y Ciudadanos) en Internet y en las redes sociales. El análisis, definido temporalmente entre las elecciones del 20 de diciembre de 2015 y las del 26 de junio de 2016, se realiza empleando una combinación de técnicas cuantitativas y cualitativas que dan respuesta no solo al qué, al dónde y al cuánto (tipo de presencia, localización, niveles de participación de organizaciones y usuarios, retroalimentación y viralidad, engagement y diálogo social generados), sino también al cómo y al por qué (política comunicativa, evaluación de contenidos, afinidad y sentiment ), y que nos permiten realizan un análisis comparativo entre las cuatro fuerzas políticas. Con respecto a los sitios web, los resultados constatan presencias adecuadas atendiendo al posicionamiento orgánico y al carácter descriptivo de la arquitectura de composición; y, con respecto a las redes sociales, las participaciones son, por lo general, pertinentes desde el punto de vista técnico, pero presentan un escaso grado de innovación y un bajo nivel de interacción social, por lo que se utilizan más como un escaparate publicitario que como un foro de debate y participación. ; This is a research on the presence and type of social participation of the four main political parties in Spain (PP, PSOE, Podemos and Ciudadanos) on the Internet and social networks. The analysis, temporarily defined between the elections of 20th December (2015) and the 26th June (2016), is carried out using a combination of quantitative and qualitative techniques that respond not only to what, where and how (kind of presence, location, levels of participation of organizations and users, feedback and virality, engagement and generated social dialogue), but also the how and why (communication policy, evaluation of content, affinity and sentiment). On the other hand, this allows us to perform a comparison between the four political forces. With respect to websites, the results confirm appropriate presences taking the organic positioning and the architecture of composition, and, with respect to social networks, they are generally correct from a technical point of view, but they reflect a low level of innovation and social interaction, so they are used as an advertising showcase and not as forum for discussion and participation. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

International audience ; Deutschland und Franckreich haben Politik über Stadtteilen mit Entwicklungspriorität : soziale Stadt und « Politique de la ville ». Diese Politik zielen finanzielle Mittel diese Stadtteile zu geben und Bürgerbeteiligung zu entwickeln. Der segregationistich Zustand dieser Stadtteile ist gegründet auf statistische Anzeiger, die eine Minderheit für jeden Staat charakterisiert. Wir fragen uns, ob diese Minderheit in den institutionellen Bürgerbeteiligung Prozess inbegrifft sind. Wir haben zwei Modell eingebaut, die die Beziehung zwischen der Typ von Stadtteilpriorisierung und institutionelle Bürgerbeteiligung befragt. Der erste Typ ist « die Minderheit's empowerment am Rand ». Die Bürgerbeteilingung zielt die Minderheit von die armen « nicht deutche Herkunft » Menschen inzubegriffen, aber die Stadtteilpriorisierung Politik gibt keine wirkliche Verbesserung deren Verhältnissen. Der zweiter Typ ist : « republicanische Bürgerbeteiligung ». In diesen Typ, die Bürgerbeteiligung zielt nicht die Minderheit inzubegriffen. Deren Verhältnissen würden besser mit der Stadterneueureung und Verbesserung von der soziale Mischung. ; Germany and France have public policies focused on segregated neighbourhoods : they're called « soziale Stadt » and « Politique de la ville ». These policies consist in giving ressources to these areas, and they also aim at develop public participation. This order of priority put on these areas is based on quantitative indicators wich outline various minorities, differents for each state. The argument is to ask if those minorities are involved in participative process. We intend to build two models. They have been constructed crossing the policy building concerning segregated areas, and the type of participative process wich is organized. The first model, « empowerment of marginal minorities » shows an empowerment process, focused on poor foreigners, without giving a guenuine perspective of improvment in their situation. The second model, « republican participation », shows a participative process wich doesn't aim at involving minorities : it bets rather on the urban renewal in order to get them better living conditions. ; L'Allemagne et la France ont mis en place des politiques publiques territorialisées en direction de quartiers défavorisés : soziale Stadt et la politique de la ville. La désignation des quartiers prioritaires repose sur des indicateurs statistiques qui dessinent les contours de minorités. Il s'agit d'interroger dans quelle mesure les populations considérées comme étant en « difficulté » et dont la concentration conditionne le ciblage d'un quartier sont-elles ensuite partie-prenantes des dispositifs de participation institutionnels initiés dans le cadre de ces politiques territorialisées. Nous proposons deux modèles de politiques en direction de quartiers en « difficulté » au regard du rapport entre processus de territorialisation et type de participation pratiquée. Le premier modèle, « la promotion des minorités à la marge », fait état d'un dispositif d'empowerment en direction des populations étrangères pauvres, mais sans perspective réelle d'amélioration de leur situation. Le second modèle, « la participation républicaine », rend compte d'un dispositif construit sans objectif précis de participation des minorités, et misant sur le renouvellement urbain du quartier pour améliorer leur situation.

Ukrainian diaspora represents the Ukrainian language, culture and customs in the countries of residence. In turn, Ukrainians of abroad requires government assistance in solving problems related to legal and material support. One way to improve state diaspora policy is researching of Ukrainian diaspora in different countries. The practical results of such researches should become the basis for decisions to Ukrainian authority.One of the countries with numerous Ukrainian diaspora isMoldova. Compared withCanada, theUSAand theRussian Federationresearch of Ukrainian diaspora inMoldovaless attention is payed. Both countries are united by not only borders, but also history. Ukrainians in this country are the second largest ethnic group after the titular ethnic group. The numbers of Ukrainians inMoldovaare reduced through the processes of ethnic assimilation, generation change, re-emigration intoUkraine. The significant number of Ukrainian lives in the breakawayTrans-DniesterMoldavianRepublicwhere Ukrainian diaspora population decreases and integration into a numerous Russian diaspora. Ukrainians live compactly in the north, where the share of Ukrainian population exceeds 10% in some areas. There is territorial pattern of Ukrainian detected in settling: the share of Ukrainian population decreased in the "north-south" vector.Ukrainians are not integrated in the titular ethnic group language environment. Thus, according to the census a small proportion of the Ukrainian indicated Moldovan as their native language, and that language is usually spoken. Quite common among the Ukrainian diaspora is Russian. The study founds that the share of Ukrainian who reported Ukrainian as their mother tongue and the language of communication decreases in the "north-south" direction. ; Украину и Молдову объединяют не только общие граница и историческое прошлое, но и многочисленная украинская диаспора в Молдове и молдавская в Украине. Актуальность исследования украинской диаспоры в Молдове обусловлена незначительным количеством научных работ посвященных украинской диаспоре в этой стране. По результатам переписи населения2004 г. в статье проанализировано расселения украинской диаспоры в разрезе административных единиц Молдовы и типу поселений, распространение украинского языка как родного и языка, на котором обычно разговаривают. На уровне районов осуществлено картографирование расселения украинцев и распространения украинского языка в Молдове. ; Україну та Молдову об'єднують не лише спільні кордон та історичне минуле, але і чисельна українська діаспора у Молдові та молдовська в Україні. Актуальність дослідження української діаспори у Молдові зумовлена незначною кількістю наукових праць присвячених українцям у цій країні. За результатами перепису населення 2004 р. у статті проаналізовано розселення українців у розрізі адміністративних одиниць Молдови та типом поселень, поширення української мови як рідної та мови, якою зазвичай розмовляють. Здійснено картографування розселення українців та поширення української мови у Молдові в розрізі районів.

In most textbooks, the punitive and military mission of the Duke of Alba to the Netherlands in 1567 embodies the Spanish Habsburg response to the Beeldenstorm of the previous year. This representation however, obscures the measures taken in the heat of the moment by Governor General Margaret of Parma, while it also downplays the numerous policy discussions to find the 'right remedy' for iconoclasm. This article argues that repression formed but one part of a broader pacification strategy that also included mediation, reconciliation and reform. The tactic employed by the Spanish Habsburg authorities combined the punishment of prominent leaders with a recognition that most of the participants in the 'troubles' could neither be apprehended nor punished properly, so that a pardon would eventually be necessary. Just such a pardon was issued in July 1570. Even if King and governor-general regarded iconoclasm as outright sacrilege and as divine lèse-majesté committed by heretics, the central authorities framed their response primarily as a legitimate action against worldly lèse-majesté and rebellion, in the short term to silence the religious violence of the iconoclasts, and in the longer term to maintain the initiative in safeguarding order, justice and peace, including in matters religious. This article is part of the special issue 'Beeldenstorm'. De Beeldenstorm en het Spaans-Habsburgse antwoord (1566-1570)De strafmissie van de hertog van Alva in 1567 verschijnt in de meeste handboeken als het Spaans-Habsburgse antwoord op de Beeldenstorm. Deze voorstelling doet weinig recht aan de onmiddellijke maatregelen van de hertogin van Parma voor de komst van Alva, en nog minder aan de voortdurende zoektocht naar de 'juiste remedie' om de onrust te bedaren. De repressie onder Alva vormde slechts een deel van een bredere pacificatiestrategie, die ook verzoeningsgebaren van koningswege inhield. Zo combineerde de Spaans-Habsburgse tactiek strafmaatregelen tegen de voornaamste leiders van de Beeldenstorm met de erkenning dat niet alle aanwezigen bij de 'troebelen' konden worden gearresteerd. Om rechtvaardigheid te doen geschieden, werd daarom in juli 1570 een generaal pardon uitgevaardigd. Daarnaast beargumenteert deze bijdrage dat hoewel Filips II en zijn landvoogden in Brussel de Beeldenstorm als regelrechte blasfemie beschouwden, ze hun optreden hoofdzakelijk rechtvaardigden als een actie tegen rebellie en wereldlijke majesteitsschennis, om zo op de korte termijn de religieuze agenda van de opstandelingen te verzwijgen, en op de lange termijn het monopolie te behouden inzake ordehandhaving en godsdienst. Dit artikel maakt deel uit van het themanummer 'Beeldenstorm'.

Facebook has deeply modified the way people communicate and interact. From a business perspective, Facebook has enormous potential as a means of communication and stakeholder engagement. It enables companies to share contents rapidly and efficiently with a large number of stakeholders worldwide. People can personalise their Facebook profile to receive updates from selected companies. Moreover, people can reply to such posts or simply manifest their approval by liking or sharing the posts. In this way, people also propagate corporate information among their own friends. The dramatic diffusion of Facebook should encourage companies to virtually interact with a network of stakeholders 2.0, using Facebook as a stakeholder engagement tool. The evolution to Web 2.0 goes with a general change in the social and business environment. In today's world, both policy makers and the public expect that companies work in a sustainable way and consult their stakeholders about corporate strategies, operations and performance. The discussion should concern social and ecological cares as well as economic issues. In this sense, the engagement of the Facebook community could considerable enlarge and improve the dialogue. This paper offers a theoretical and empirical analysis to answer the following research question: do sustainability-oriented companies use Facebook as an effective means of stakeholder engagement? The paper contains an investigation based on UN Global Compact LEAD members, characterised by strong commitment and cooperation with governments, civil society, labour and the UN in order to promote sustainable practices. To evaluate the contribution of Facebook to the dialogue on sustainability, the investigation considered the types of contents published by the LEAD companies on their Facebook pages in 30 days. According to the subject, seven categories of posts emerged from the analysis: human rights and social citizenship; labour; environment; anti-corruption; strategy, business activity and economic performance; news on products and services; other. To evaluate the use of Facebook for stakeholder engagement 2.0, the investigation verified how many "likes", comments and "shares" each post received and how often the company replied. The analysis showed that some LEAD members did not have a Facebook profile, which is unacceptable nowadays. Moreover, the companies with an official page rarely covered all three perspectives of sustainability (social, environmental, and economic issues). Furthermore, companies rarely replied to stakeholders' comments. Based on the empirical evidence, most LEAD participants should modify the way they used Facebook. Therefore, the results of this research may help them improve stakeholder engagement 2.0.

Im Jahr 2013 wurden in Österreich rund 20% der landwirtschaftlichen Nutzfläche biologisch bewirtschaftet. Besonders hervorzuheben ist das Bundesland Salzburg, in dem rund 45% der landwirtschaftlichen Betriebe und ca. 50% der landwirtschaftlich genutzten Fläche biologisch bewirtschaftet wurden. In Salzburg verlief dabei die Entwicklung der Biolandwirtschaft bis Ende 1980er Jahre schleppend, erst Anfang der 1990er Jahre (1992, 1993, 1995) stieg die Zahl der Biobetriebe rapide an. Die vorliegende Studie hat das Ziel, die Faktoren für diese dynamische Entwicklung der Biolandwirtschaft in Salzburg zu erforschen. Ein weiteres Ziel ist, die Erwartungen für die zukünftige Entwicklung der Biolandwirtschaft in Salzburg zu untersuchen. Die Datenerhebung erfolgte anhand qualitativer, leitfadengestützter ExpertInneninterviews mit 10 BiopionierInnen und 13 regionalen EntscheidungsträgerInnen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass ein Zusammenspiel mehrerer Faktoren zur dynamischen Entwicklung der Biolandwirtschaft in Salzburg führte. Wichtige Faktoren für die Etablierung der Biolandwirtschaft in Salzburg waren die vorhandene, relativ kleinstrukturierte Landwirtschaft und die Ausrichtung der österreichischen und salzburgerischen Agrarpolitik. Den herausragenden Faktor in Zusammenhang mit der Entwicklung der Biolandwirtschaft in Salzburg stellten jedoch die im Entwicklungsprozess beteiligten Personen dar. Sie ermöglichten durch ihr Wirken den Einstieg eines Unternehmens des Lebensmitteleinzelhandels in die Biovermarktung, den damit verbundenen Preiszuschlag für Biomilch und den darauffolgenden Anstieg der Anzahl der Biobetriebe. Aus derzeitiger Sicht der Befragten ist die Zukunft der Biolandwirtschaft in Salzburg ungewiss und hängt wiederum vom Zusammenspiel mehrerer Faktoren ab. Für eine weiterhin positive Entwicklung der Biolandwirtschaft müssen politische, institutionelle, produktionstechnische, ökonomische und gesellschaftliche Rahmenbedingungen geschaffen und beibehalten werden. ; In 2013, around 20% of the utilized agricultural area in Austria was managed in compliance with organic farming regulation. Particularly noteworthy is the province of Salzburg, where approximately 45% of the farms and 50% of the agricultural area were certified organic. In Salzburg, the development of organic farming was slow until the late 1980s, but the number of organic farms increased rapidly in the years 1992, 1993 and 1995. This thesis explores the factors that contributed to this dynamic development as well as the expectations for the future development of organic farming in Salzburg. Data was collected during qualitative, semi-structured interviews with 10 organic pioneers and 13 regional decision-makers. The results indicate that a combination of factors lead to the dynamic development of organic farming in Salzburg in the early 1990s. These factors included the relatively small-scale agricultural structures, the agricultural policy in Austria and in Salzburg. However, the essential factors in connection with the development of organic farming in Salzburg were the people involved in the development process. Because of their initiative, the milk could be marketed through a food retail chain, thus ensuring the price premium of organic milk. The new gained market enabled the increase of the number of organic farms. Regarding the outlook to the coming years, the future of organic farming in Salzburg is uncertain and depends again on the interplay of several factors. It will depend on favorable political, institutional, production-related, economic and social conditions, which must be adapted and maintained to ensure a positive development of the organic farming sector in Salzburg. ; eingereicht von Sylvia Maria Schindecker ; Mit engl. Zsfassung ; Wien, Univ. für Bodenkultur, Masterarb., 2015 ; (VLID)1035942

The narrative hero Peter Klepec is known (and laid claim to) by the inhabitants of the Čabranka-Osilnica valley, the border area on the Croatian and Slovenian side of the border. There circulate a number of quite similar stories about him, in which a frail illegitimate child Peter becomes a strong man, whose supernatural powers help the needy and drive the enemies from these regions. This paper shows the changing role and diversity of interpretations of myth in time and space using the example of folk and literary hero Peter Klepec. It focuses on the historical changes in the perception of Peter Klepec: namely, on his (local) function at the time of the Hapsburg imperial policy, the process of his nationalisation and dilemmas that arose following the division of the Čabranka-Osilnica area, i.e., the originating area of the creation of the legend of the two countries (Croatia and Slovenia). It shows that Klepec was due to different historical circumstances and (interpretive) discourse used for different purposes. First, he served as a symbol of strength and survival in the Čabranka-Osilnica valley, and then as the Hapsburg myth that justified the existence of the monarchy facing the hostile Ottomans, and lastly as an allegory of a servile Slovene, who is always just a faithful bondsman to other masters (first under the Austro-Hungarians and then the European Union). ; Pripovednega junaka Petra Klepca poznajo (in si ga lastijo?) prebivalci Čabransko- osilniške doline, torej obmejnega območja na hrvaški in slovenski strani meje. O njem kroži več med seboj precej podobnih zgodb, v katerih šibek nezakonski otrok Peter postane silak, ki s svojo nadnaravno močjo pomaga pomoči potrebnim in iz krajev odganja sovražnike. Prispevek na primeru ljudskega in literarnega junaka Petra Klepca prikaže spreminjajočo se vlogo in različnost interpretacij mita v času in prostoru. Osredotoča se na zgodovinske spremembe v dojemanju Petra Klepca: na njegovo (lokalno) funkcijo v času imperialne politike Habsburžanov, na proces njegove nacionalizacije in dileme, ki so se pojavile ob delitvi Čabransko-osilniškega območja t.j. izvirnega območja nastanka legend med dve državi (Slovenijo in Hrvaško). Pokaže, da se je zaradi različnih zgodovinskih okoliščin in (interpretativnih) diskurzov Klepca uporabljalo v različne namene. Najprej je služil kot simbol moči in preživetja v Čabransko-osilniški dolini, nato kot habsburški mit, ki je opravičeval obstoj monarhije nasproti osmanskemu sovražniku in slednjič kot prispodoba hlapčevskega Slovenca, ki je vedno le vdan podložnik drugim gospodarjem (najprej Avstro-ogrski, nato Evropski uniji).