Maintaining American primacy: after Bush
In: The world today, Band 64, Heft 1, S. 13-15
ISSN: 0043-9134
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In: The world today, Band 64, Heft 1, S. 13-15
ISSN: 0043-9134
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In: Regional studies: quarterly journal of the Institute of Regional Studies, Islamabad, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 51-82
ISSN: 0254-7988
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In: Le monde diplomatique, Band 55, Heft 657, S. 19
ISSN: 0026-9395, 1147-2766
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In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Band 49, Heft 4, S. 67-82
ISSN: 0039-6338
By deposing Saddam Hussein, the war in Iraq has shifted the balance of power in the Persian Gulf decisively in Iran's favour. Even before the invasion, Iran possessed a budding nuclear programme, the region's largest population, an expansive ballistic-missile arsenal, and direction over various terrorist organisations, which allowed it to extend its geopolitical reach. Regrettably, the Bush administration overlooked these assets, and America's removal of Iraq as the principal strategic counterweight to Iran paved the way for the expansion of Iran's influence. The critical issue now facing the United States is what it can do to mitigate potential threats to its interests if Iran succeeds in consolidating its new position as the leading power in the region. The best available option is a hedging accommodation strategy that would accept Iran's position as the new leading power in the Gulf region while providing some military aid to the major Arab states to help foster a new regional balance of power. (Survival / SWP)
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In: El debate político: revista iberoamericana de análisis político, Band 4, Heft 6-7, S. 110-122
ISSN: 1668-1789
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In: Pro et contra: žurnal rossijskoj vnutrennej i vnešnej politiki, Band 11, Heft 2/36, S. 6-17
ISSN: 1560-8913
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In: Contemporary Southeast Asia, Band 28, Heft 3, S. 447-465
ISSN: 0129-797X
Chinese and American policies toward mainland Southeast Asia exhibit interesting and complicated aspects as both great powers hedge against the future. Beijing has close relations with the Burmese Government as does Washington with Thailand. Vietnam, however, is more resistant to serious engagement with either China or the United States. Cambodia and Laos are afterthoughts for both Beijing and Washington. As China and the United States seek to influence mainland Southeast Asia, they encounter limits to their policies. The Burmese junta is wary of too much Chinese penetration and seeks to manipulate the availability of its oil and gas sales among Beijing, Tokyo, and New Delhi. Washington, despite close military relations with Bangkok, finds Bangkok willing to substantially engage economically with the Chinese. In conclusion, China views mainland Southeast Asia from a strategic viewpoint while the United States, preoccupied with Iraq and Afghanistan, usually concentrates on governance and democracy issues in mainland Southeast Asia. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)
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In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 715-733
ISSN: 0260-2105
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In: The national interest, Heft 81, S. 73-105
ISSN: 0884-9382
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In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 104, Heft 684, S. 331-335
ISSN: 0011-3530
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In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO = World economy and international relations, Heft 4, S. 33-46
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In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 102, Heft 662, S. 99-105
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In: Helsinki monitor: security and human rights, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 269-277
ISSN: 0925-0972
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In: Global governance: a review of multilateralism and international organizations, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 261-272
ISSN: 2468-0958, 1075-2846
Enthält Rezensionen u. a. von: Carothers, Thomas: Aiding democracy abroad: the learning curve. - Washington/D.C. : Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1999. - 411 S
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In: Berichte / Forschungsinstitut der Internationalen Wissenschaftlichen Vereinigung Weltwirtschaft und Weltpolitik (IWVWW) e.V, Band 13, Heft 128, S. 1-6
ISSN: 1022-3258
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