Suchergebnisse

In dem Beitrag wird die Frage diskutiert, wie Diskursivität und Egalität in den Prozeß der Selbststeuerung des politischen Systems eingebaut werden können, mit dem Ziel, eine Theorie zu formulieren, die diese Perspektiven zu integrieren weiß. Dies geschieht am Beispiel der politischen Instituionen, weil sich hier in klassischer Weise der kulturell-normative und der organisatorisch-systematische Aspekt verknüpfen. Die Elemente einer Theorie politischer Institutionen werden erörtert. Probleme der Reproduktion politischer Institutionen werden am Beispiel der Praxis des Rechts diskutiert, die die Bedingungen der Reproduktion diskursiver und rekursiver Strukturelemente im Recht verändert. Aufgrund der Analyse wird eine Entwicklungshypothese für den Wandel politischer Institutionen formuliert: Der Primat des politischen Systems wird durch den Primat eines sich ausdifferenzierenden Systems ersetzt, das mit Massenmedien operiert. D. h. im Ergebnis: Die Analyse zwingt zu der desillusionierenden Einsicht, daß politische Institutionen funktionalen Primat in der Verkörperung demokratischer Strukturelemente verloren haben. (KW)

The ultimate litmus test of compliance theories occurs in situations where states' interests are directly opposed, such as competing interstate claims over territory, maritime areas, and cross-border rivers. This article considers the extent to which the involvement of international institutions in the settlement of contentious issues between states bolsters compliance with agreements that are struck. Institutions may influence the prospects for compliance actively and passively. Active institutional involvement in the conflict management process increases the chances for compliance with agreements, particularly for binding institutional activities, relative to the active involvement of noninstitutional third parties. More passively, joint membership in peace-promoting institutions enhances the likelihood that states will comply with peaceful agreements to resolve contentious issues. Empirical analyses demonstrate the relevance of international institutions for resolving contentious interstate issues both actively and passively, although the results suggest that institutions are more effective conflict managers when they choose binding settlement techniques. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractWhat does land acknowledgment do? Where does it come from? Where is it pointing? Existing literature, especially critiques by Indigenous scholars, unequivocally assert that settler land acknowledgments are problematic in their favoring of rhetoric over action. However, formal written statements may challenge institutions to recognize their complicity in settler colonialism and their institutional responsibilities to tribal sovereignty. Building on these critiques, particularly the writings of Métis cultural producer Chelsea Vowel, this article offers beyond as a framework for how institutional land acknowledgments can or cannot support Indigenous relationality, land pedagogy, and accountability to place and peoples. The authors describe the critical differences between Indigenous protocols of mutual recognition and settler practices of land acknowledgment. These Indigenous/settler differences illuminate an Indigenous perspective on what acknowledgments ought to accomplish. For example, Acjachemen/Tongva scholar Charles Sepulveda forwards the Tongva concept of Kuuyam, or guest, as "a reimagining of human relationships to place outside of the structures of settler colonialism." What would it mean for a settler speaker of a land acknowledgment to say, "I am a visitor, and I hope to become a proper guest"? Two empirical examples are presented: the University of California, Los Angeles, where an acknowledgment was crafted in 2018; and the University of California, San Diego, where an acknowledgment is under way in 2020. The article concludes with beyond as a potential decolonial framework for land acknowledgment that recognizes Indigenous futures.

Betriebliche Familienpolitik ist ein junges Forschungsfeld, dessen wissenschaftliche Untersuchung sich aus einer politikwissenschaftlich orientierten und aus einer wirtschaftswissenschaftlich orientierten Perspektive heraus anbietet. Erstgenannte Perspektive ist primär deskriptiver Art und strukturiert den Untersuchungsgegenstand anhand dreier Dimensionen: Polity blickt auf die Rahmenbedingungen betrieblicher Familienpolitik, politics auf das Handeln betrieblicher Akteure; policy ist schließlich auf Inhalte und Ziele betrieblicher Familienpolitik gerichtet. Die wirtschaftswissenschaftlich orientierte Perspektive ist demgegenüber eher analytischer Art und fokussiert auf den betriebswirtschaftlichen Nutzen, der mit der Durchführung familienbewusster Personalpolitik einhergehen kann. Diesbezügliche empirische Studien wirtschaftswissenschaftlicher Ausrichtung liegen aufgrund einer komplexen Variablenstruktur in einem geringeren Ausmaß vor als deskriptive Untersuchungen politikwissenschaftlicher Strukturierung. Vorliegendes Arbeitspapier verbindet beide Untersuchungsperspektiven und betrachtet auf Grundlage zweier empirischer Untersuchungen von 75 erwerbswirtschaftlichen Unternehmen und 72 nicht-erwerbswirtschaftlichen Institutionen betriebliche Familienpolitik sowie betriebswirtschaftliche Erfolge familienbewusster Personalpolitik. Sowohl für Unternehmen als auch Institutionen kann gezeigt werden, dass Familienbewusstsein in sehr vielen Fällen mit positiven einzelwirtschaftlichen Effekten einhergeht. Komparative Analysen legen ferner dar, dass betriebliches Familienbewusstsein in Unternehmen eher zu Erfolg führt als in Institutionen. Die explorativ gewonnenen Erkenntnisse bilden die Ausgangsbasis für weitergehende empirische Untersuchungen der Erfolge und Effekte familienbewusster Personalpolitik. Durchzuführende methodische Vorarbeiten sind auf Konzeptionalisierung und Operationalisierung der Input- und Output-Seite familienbewusster Personalpolitik zu richten. ; Family policy pursued by enterprises can be scholary analysed by means of political science as well as economic science. Political science has a more descriptive view and structures the object of investigation via three dimensions: polity, focussing on the basic conditions of family policy pursued by enterprises, politics, concentrating on the acting of the managerial players; policy finally considers the contents and purposes of a family friendly management of human resources. Economic science has a more analytical view and examines the operational effects of family friendly human resources management. With regard to the view of political science there are less economic empirical than descriptive studies. This is because economic science has to deal with of a lot of very complex variables which are difficult to structure. The present paper combines the points of view of political science and economic science and considers family policy pursued by enterprises as well as operational effects of family friendly policies. 75 businesses and 72 non-profit companies have been examined. It can be shown that family friendliness leads in both, business and non-profit companies, to positive operational effects. A comparison of both types of enterprises shows that family friendliness is more effective in businesses than in non-profit companies. The conclusions from these explorations are starting points for the further analysis of family friendly human resources management. Within the next step, it will be necessary to conceptualize and operationalize the input and the output of family friendly policies.

The author uses the problematic of modernization to attempt to explain the Turkish political institutions. He first describes briefly the formal institutional framework as set up by the current Constitution. He then analyzes the way the Turks experience their transformation conveyed by ancestral myths. As a result a political culture emerges, a sort of unwritten Constitution that sustains & defines Turkish political life. According to the author, this accounts for both the strength & weakness of the experiment. Adapted from the source document.

SUMMARYThe Grand Transition (GT) view claims that economic development is causal to institutional development, and that many institutional changes can be understood as transitions occurring at roughly the same level (zone) of development. The Primacy of Institutions (PoI) view claims that economic development is a consequence of an exogenous selection of institutions. Our survey of the empirical evidence and our own estimates reveal that it is easy to find convincing evidence supporting either of the two views. Property rights do affect development as suggested by the PoI view. However, democracy is mainly an effect of development as suggested by the GT view. We conclude that the empirical results are far too mixed to allow for a robust assessment that one of the two views is true and the other false. This finding implies that focusing on institutional development is unlikely to be successful as the key strategy for the economic development of poor countries.

Reduction of all forms of violence and related death rates -- End abuse, exploitation, trafficking and all forms of violence against and torture of children -- Promote the rule of law at the national and international levels -- Equal access to justice for all -- Reduce illicit financial and arms flows -- Combat all forms of organized crime -- Reduce corruption and bribery -- Participation of developing countries in the institutions of global governance -- Legal identity for all, including birth registration -- Public access to information -- Fundamental freedoms -- National legislation and international agreements -- Strengthen national institutions -- Prevent violence and combat terrorism and crime -- Enforce non-discriminatory laws and policies

The Emergency Ordinance no. 99 of 6 December 2006, on credit institutions andcapital adequacy, presents the credit institution as "an entity whose business is to attractdeposits or other repayable funds from the public and to grant credits in its own account". The2006/48/EC Directive of the European Parliament and the European Council, presents thecredit institution as "an undertaking whose business is to receive deposits and other repayablefunds from the public and to grant credits for its own account" definition that seemsappropriate, justified by the fact that, in our opinion, the concept of undertaking is assigned tothose innovative and imaginative companies that produce goods. Since money is a commodityand economic agents that we call credit institutions produce money by reinventing themselvesevery day to keep up with technology, we consider that the idea of "undertaking" formulatedby the 2006/48/EC Directive of the European Parliament and of the European Council isappropriate and that these credit institutions be hereinafter referred to as undertakings andtherefore enterprises. We believe that the enterprise, in our case, the credit institutions, is amatter that produces, consumes and trades services in order to achieve positive economiceffects therefore saving and lending are their direct support. Moreover, credit is the source forfinancing growth and welfare, therefore the engine of the capitalist economy

Many public policies are delivered by non-majoritarian institutions (NMIs) in which sometimes powerful policy actors may take major decisions, decoupled from traditional democratic procedures of representation, scrutiny, and accountability. NMIs have to strike a balance between independence and democratic accountability. This chapter traces the evolution of NMIs in our time, discusses their 'counter-majoritarian difficulties', and various ensuing strategies to enhance their representational nature. From the perspective of democratic governance, many scholars have been concerned about the democratic deficits relating to NMIs. However, NMIs fit much better in more liberal, monitory notions of democracy. They can provide a series of checks and balances that prevent corruption, abuse of power, and protect the rights of minorities. In that sense, NMIs are often seen as challenges to democracy while they, simultaneously, may help to safeguard democracies and to sanitize the behaviours of elected officials.

In 2004 the international policies of many states in the Euro-Atlantic area were determined by political processes that started in 2003. Transatlantic partners worked to reduce the damage to their mutual relationships caused by the Iraq conflict. The USA began its return to multilateralism through various institutions, although not without hesitation and regular attempts to unilaterally set the agenda. In 2004 it became obvious that maintaining control over Iraqi territory would require capabilities other than high-intensity warfare and more manpower than in the technology-intensive phase of the war. The two main underlying reasons for the war on Iraq -- the alleged terrorist connections of the regime and its possession of weapons of mass destruction -- were revealed as hollow. This caused problems for many democracies with troops in Iraq. Some, such as Hungary and Spain, withdrew their forces and others considered doing so -- adding to the fragility of the situation. The USA has continued to develop an inclusive partnership approach to ensure the necessary international support to fight terrorism and gain more effective intelligence. The USA has increasingly recognized that the EU is an indispensable partner in these activities. In the US presidential election campaign, the two main parties offered little alternative thinking in the main security-related areas-Iraq, homeland security and intelligence reform. The result of the election focused European states on the need to find a way to work with the Bush Administration. NATO's efforts to heal the transatlantic rift resulted in an expansion of the organization's activities outside its treaty area of operation. Nonetheless, there was continued resistance to making Iraq a NATO operation. The challenge is to overcome the perception that NATO is a 'forum for taking decisions on operations' in order to regain its role as a 'central forum for political debate and decision making'. The EU has continued to develop its capacity to become a credible security actor. This was demonstrated by the adoption of Headline Goal 2010, which provides for a qualitative strengthening of crisis management and defense capabilities; the launch of the European Defense Agency; and the gradual putting into practice of the battle group concept, as well as a new EU military mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The European Neighborhood Policy moved closer to realization-bilateral accords on cooperation between the EU and some neighboring states were signed at the end of the year. A new divide seems to be emerging along the eastern boundaries of Europe. The leaderships of a number of countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia are increasingly resentful of the spread of democracy, including to some of their own neighbors, and regard it as a challenge to the survival of their regimes. Repressive reactions are, however, likely to make internal dynamics more unstable and eventual changes more violent -- with consequences that will spread at least temporarily beyond the frontiers of the states concerned. The situation may bring renewed tensions in West-East relations in the years to come. Adapted from the source document.

This chapter surveys the literature on the political economy of finance. This field offers three main insights. First, it highlights the importance of the role of political institutions in financial development. Second, it shows how the distribution of political power in society drives the prevailing set of contracting institutions and affects capital allocation and access to finance in developed and developing economies. Third, it argues that recognizing the endogenous nature of political institutions is crucial for our understanding of the evolution and functioning of financial systems.

A nascent but growing research area examines political institutions through the use of field experiments. I consider why field experimentation has been used infrequently in the study of political institutions and note that some research questions are not amenable to field experimentation. I review areas of research inquiry where field experimentation has enhanced scholarly knowledge about political institutions and representation. These areas include the study of race, representation, and bias in legislatures and courts; and policy responsiveness and legislative accountability. I synthesize this research by examining puzzles that emerge between the field experimental and observational work. I conclude with suggestions for promising research avenues, including the use of field experiments to study the bureaucracy. The discipline's understanding of political institutions could be improved with a greater emphasis on field experimental work. Adapted from the source document.

Can government institutions strengthen the influence of public opinion on policymaking? While institutions often limit representation, I identify two institutional features of state lawmaking that may enhance democratic control, but in somewhat different ways. I hypothesize that one institution external to the state legislature -- the ballot initiative -- improves representation on specific issues, while one institution internal to the legislature -- the committee discharge procedure -- enhances responsiveness to mass preferences generally. This difference emerges because legislators engage in repeated interactions & logrolling across a wide range of issues while advocates of ballot initiatives do not. My analyses largely, although not entirely, support these hypotheses, with the initiative making abortion policy more responsive & committee discharge making policy generally more responsive. These results suggest a domain-specific influence of institutions that were thought to have similar effects on policy representation. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

In an introduction to a special issue titled "The Swiss Labyrinth," the author provides an overview of political institutions in modern Switzerland in the context of a general social science model. Its unique set of institutions comprises seven elements: (1) decentralized real federalism, (2) an active referendum democracy, (3) a presidency in the form of a seven-member Federal Council, (4) the permanent grand coalition, (5) quasi corporatism, (6) a central bank, & (7) neutrality in international politics. The interactions among Swiss institutions fall into the categories of consistency, compatibility, independence, & contradiction. The article also discusses ongoing problems in Swiss federalism & the roles of Swiss political parties. The volume presents an analysis of Swiss institutional change & outcomes for the benefit of international scholars. 2 Tables. J. R. Callahan