Suchergebnisse

Permanent neutrality and the organization of collective security is a complex and ambiguous choice that Ukraine has faced since gaining independence. The purpose of the article is to study the evolution of the security policy of independent Ukraine, which has gone a long way from the proclamation of the status of a permanently neutral and non-aligned state to the constitutionally enshrined foreign policy course towards Euro-Atlantic integration. The work uses historical, dogmatic and comparative legal methods in the course of studying the historical aspect of the genesis of national security policy. The author uses the dialectical method to study various ways of ensuring national security, which made it possible to distinguish two ways: the declaration of the status of a permanently neutral state or participation in a collective security organization. The chronological boundaries of the study are defined from the moment of proclamation of Ukraine's state sovereignty. The article proves that political and scientific debates on the benefits of neutrality or participation in a collective security organization for ensuring the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state, as well as its national security of European countries, are related to the bipolar model of international relations that emerged during the Cold War era. Under these conditions, some European states (Austria, Ireland, Finland, Sweden), despite the negative outcome of World War II, when the status of neutral states was grossly violated, still wanted to stay outside the confrontation between the two military and political blocs. To this end, they declared themselves permanently neutral and participated in the non-aligned movement. The article notes that the departure from the bipolar model has temporarily dampened the debate. However, the policy of revanchism and neo-imperial ideology adopted by the Russian leadership forced European states to rethink the feasibility of maintaining permanent neutrality in the context of the current geopolitical situation. The author reveals that at the time of the creation of the Ukrainian state, the preference for the status of a permanently neutral and non-aligned state as a guarantee of Ukraine's national security was conditioned by the presence of nuclear weapons on its territory, which made it impossible to participate in the collective security organization (NATO). Ukraine's nuclear disarmament, which was carried out under pressure from Russia and the United States, opened the way for normalization of relations with the European Union and NATO. At the same time, having chosen NATO membership as a guarantee of successful security, Ukraine in the twenty-first century demonstrated ineffectiveness in realizing its intention due to fluctuations in the foreign policy course of Ukrainian presidents. The aggression against Ukraine launched by Russia in 2014 made participation in the collective security organization (NATO) a matter of time. The approximation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to NATO standards has yielded positive results in repelling Russia's armed aggression. The Armed Forces of Ukraine, which can be considered the most experienced army in Europe today, make Ukraine a desirable NATO member after the war.

Chinese Literature and its Main Representatives in the Early Twentieth Century
ABSTRACT: At the beginning of the twentieth century, the greatest renewal in the history of Chinese literature took place. Along with the political events, new literary movements and new young writers began to form in China. Countless historical and revolutionary events, civil wars, and literary revolutions have shaped twentieth-century Chinese literature and deepened its ideological and artistic features. From now on, movements such as human literature, folk literature, and realist literature have begun to draw attention, works that address people, their experiences and problems, and writers who hear the voice of the people have begun to grow. Lu Xin and Lao She hold a special place among the leading authors of Chinese literature of this period. In their works, both writers criticized outdated traditions and past ideology. In a tense socio-political environment full of riots and protests, it takes courage to write texts that appeal to ordinary people and contain revolutionary ideas. Inspired by the change of government and revolution, Lu Xin wrote his first stories based on these points. Lao She, on the other hand, changed her romantic orientation with the May 4th movement and continued her work with stories written in a way that contradicted the Confucian tradition. The modern thinking of both authors stems from their recognition of Western literature, Western thought and the best examples of this literature. The article recalls the events that took place in China at the beginning of the twentieth century and discusses the favorable conditions that created the new literature. In addition to researching the literary activities of these authors and the main aspects of their works, the innovations they brought to Chinese literature were also examined.
ÖZET: Yirminci yüzyılın başında Çin edebiyatı tarihindeki en büyük yenilenme gerçekleşti. Siyasi olaylarla birlikte Çin'de yeni edebi akımlar ve yeni genç yazarlar oluşmaya başladı. Sayısız tarihi ve devrimci olay, iç savaşlar ve edebi devrimler yirminci yüzyıl Çin edebiyatını şekillendirmiş, ideolojik ve sanatsal özelliklerini derinleştirmiştir. Artık beşeri edebiyat, halk edebiyatı, gerçekci edebiyat gibi akımlar dikkat çekmeye başlamış, insanlara, onların yaşadıklarına, sorunlarına hitap eden eserler yazılmaya, halkın sesini duyan yazarlar yetişmeye başlamıştır. Lu Xin ve Lao She bu dönem Çin edebiyatının önde gelen yazarları arasında özel bir yere sahiptir. Çalışmalarında, her iki yazar da modası geçmiş gelenekleri ve geçmiş ideolojiyi eleştirmiştir. Ayaklanmalar ve protestolarla dolu gergin bir sosyo-politik ortamda, sıradan insanlara hitap eden ve devrimci fikirler içeren metinler yazmak cesaret ister. Hükümet değişikliğinden ve devrimden ilham alan Lu Xin, ilk hikayelerini bu noktalara dayanarak yazmışdı. Lao She ise 4 Mayıs hareketi ile romantik yönelimini değiştirmiş ve Konfüçyüs geleneğine ters düşecek şekilde yazılmış öykülerle çalışmalarına devam etmiştir. Her iki yazarın da modern düşüncesi, Batı edebiyatını, Batı düşüncesini ve bu edebiyatın en iyi örneklerini tanımalarından kaynaklanmaktadır. Makale, yirminci yüzyılın başında Çin'de meydana gelen olayları hatırlamakta ve yeni edebiyatı yaratan uygun koşulları tartışmaktadır. Bu yazarların edebi faaliyetleri ve eserlerinin ana yönlerini araştırmanın yanı sıra Çin edebiyatına getirdikleri yenilikler de incelenmiştir.

La investigación sobre los modos seculares de acercamiento a cada modalidad dialectal resulta esencial para una comprensión más objetiva del ideario lingüístico colectivo actual. El estudio de las creencias y actitudes lingüísticas expresadas en cada periodo y de las circunstancias sociales, políticas o culturales en que estas se sustentan contribuirá, incuestionablemente, a una valoración más justa de una identidad sociolingüística construida históricamente y ayudará a planificar las medidas de actuación más adecuadas en el ámbito concreto de la intervención institucional, que prescinde de estereotipos en la transmisión de una identidad lingüística que se educa en las escuelas y se difunde en los medios de comunicación. El espulgo documental de textos periodísticos decimonónicos se muestra, por su tipología textual y por su cronología, fundamental para el análisis de las ideas y de las actitudes lingüísticas hacia los hechos de variación y su uso según grupos de hablantes. El siglo XIX, por sus especiales condiciones políticas y culturales, resulta propicio para la aparición de estas noticias, que se plasman en una discusión o reflexión metalingüística en la que gramáticos, preceptistas, literatos o periodistas ofrecen abundantes muestras explícitas o implícitas sobre estas ideas. Nuestro análisis se centra, además, en la modalidad dialectal andaluza que cobra en esta época, como es sabido, una singular importancia en el ámbito literario, aunque el objetivo se centre en discernir entre la imagen estereotipada que ofrece la crítica costumbrista y la percepción más cercana a la realidad que muestran algunos de estos textos, de acuerdo con su cercanía a la realidad social. ; Research on the secular modes of approach to each dialectal modality is essential for a more objective understanding of the current collective linguistic ideology. The study of the linguistic beliefs and attitudes expressed in each period and the social, political or cultural circumstances on which they are based will contribute, unquestionably, to a more just assessment of a historically constructed sociolinguistic identity and will help to plan action measures more adequate in the specific field of institutional intervention, which dispenses with stereotypes in the transmission of a linguistic identity that is educated in schools and disseminated in the media. The documentary study of nineteenth-century journalistic texts is shown, because of its textual typology and its chronology, fundamental for the analysis of ideas and linguistic attitudes towards the facts of variation and their use according to groups of speakers. The nineteenth century, due to its special political and cultural conditions, is propitious for the appearance of these news, which are reflected in a metalinguistic discussion or reflection in which grammarians, preceptors, writers or journalists offer abundant explicit or implicit samples about these ideas. Our analysis focuses, in addition, on the Andalusian dialectal modality that, at this time, is known, a singular importance in the literary field, although the objective is focused on discerning between the stereotyped image offered by criticism and the near perception to the reality that some of these texts show for their proximity to social reality.

The aim of the publication is to clarify the role and meaning of the functions of general theoretical science. In the process of achieving this aim, it has been applied a system of philosophical approaches to knowledge, principles, general scientific and special scientific research methods. It has been noted that changes in the functional purpose of the theory are due to changes in the perception of the subject field of the theory and the dependence of the cognitive process on the system of subjective and objective factors. It has been singled out such as the level of development of society; features of social consciousness, culture and ideology; openness of the social system for democratic institutions; the need for the study of fundamental state and legal categories, substantiation of their role in ensuring social processes and ways of their improvement. An important factor in rethinking the functional purpose of legal theory is changes of the methodological basis of knowledge of state and legal phenomena, which consist in increasing the role of philosophical approaches, introducing a system of principles of knowledge, expanding the spectrum of general scientific methods and special scientific techniques. It is they that significantly increase the role of theory in the knowledge of scientific, cognitive and educational aspects of the state and law as important institutions of social reality. The above-mentioned changes of the subject and methodological nature cause changes in the functional purpose of general theoretical science, which consist in changing the paradigm of the functions of the theory, their orientation towards clarifying the social purpose of state and legal categories, increasing the significance of the methodological function of the theory and its role as a means of forming professional knowledge. The article summarizes the existing approaches to understanding the functions of the theory, highlights the practical and applied, systemic, cognitive, essential, activity, scientific and theoretical aspects of their perception. The own vision of the category "functions of the theory of law" has been substantiated and its main features have been singled out. Educational, scientific, fundamental, social, political, legal character, ensuring the independence of the theory and achieving the aim and the tasks of this fundamental science are among them. The meaningful direction of such general functions of the theory of law as heuristic, ontological, prognostic, political, ideological and axiological has been determined. Peculiarities of special functions of the theory have been studied. As such, methodological, communicative, educational, system and creating, epistemological and practical-applied have been defined. As a result of the study, it has been made some conclusions about the changing dynamic nature of the functions of the theory, which is due to the system of objective and subjective factors, as well as changes in the subject and methodological field of scientific knowledge. Changes in the functional purpose of the general theory of law are associated with increasing the social role of state and legal categories, overcoming monism in the perception of functions and ensuring the pluralism of the influence of the theory on knowledge of the state and law.

The article is devoted to Ukrainian Marxism, its initial stages of development and one of its main areas — anti-colonial and postcolonial research. It continues the discussion on the round table Ideology and Utopia. The Legacy of Marxism and Modern Political Reality (FD, No. 2, 2018). The author notes the attempts of the Ukrainian Marxists to adapt Marx's and Engels's main ideas to domestic realities and to criticize a number of these ideas. The article outlines main achievements of the Ukrainian Marxists in terms of anti- colonial and post-colonial studies. Julian Bachinsky in 1895 in the book Ukraine Irredenta substantiated the objective need to overcome the colonial status of Ukrainian lands and to create Ukrainian independent state. In 1919, Serhiy Mazlach and Vasyl Shakhray published the book, named To the Wave. In it they wrote that industrial capitalism turned Eastern Ukraine into a developed Russian colony, and its inhabitants — into a modern nation. It prepared the ground for making Ukraine independent. The expanded political and economic study of the phenomenon of colonialism and the substantiation of the status of Ukraine as one of the "European-type colonies" was given by Mikhaylo Volobuev-Artemov in the article On the Problem of the Ukrainian Eco- nomy, published in the journal Bolshevik of Ukraine (2-3, 1928). Volobuyev stressed: if in the USSR Ukraine will not become a separate economic unit, it will again turn into a colony. The author believes that the experience of Ukrainian neo-Marxism, which did not simplify the problems of colonialism, reducing it to a racial factor, is very relevant. The ideological resource of postcolonial studies, understanding Ukraine's specifics as "Euro- pean-type colony" is urgently needed today for in-depth reforms. ; Стаття присвячена українському марксизму, його початковим етапам розвитку та одному з його найголовніших напрямків — антиколоніальним і постколоніаль- ним дослідженням. Розвідка продовжує дискусії круглого столу «Ідеологія і уто- пія. Спадщина марксизму і сучасна політична реальність» («ФД», No2, 2018). Автор констатує намагання українських марксистів пристосувати загальні положення Маркса та Енґельса до вітчизняних реалій і критичне ставлення до низки цих по- ложень. У статті окреслено найголовніші досягнення українських марксистів у царині антиколоніальних і постколоніальних досліджень. Юліан Бачинський 1895 року у книзі «Україна Irredenta» обґрунтував об'єктивну потребу в подоланні колоніально- го стану українських земель Галичини та Наддніпрянщини та створення Української самостійної соборної держави. У 1919 році Сергій Мазлах і Василь Шахрай у книзі «До хвилі (Що діється на Вкраїні і з Україною)» писали, що індустріальний капіта- лізм перетворив східну Україну на розвинену російську колонію, а її мешканців — на сучасну націю. Це підготувало ґрунт унезалежнення України. Розгорнуте полі- тико-економічне дослідження явища колоніалізму й обґрунтування статусу України як однієї з «колоній європейського типу» дав Михайло Волобуєв-Артемов у статті «До проблеми української економіки» («Більшовик України», 1928, No2–3). Волобуєв наголошував: якщо в СССР Україна не стане окремою економічною одиницею, вона знову перетвориться на колонію. Автор вважає, що врахування досвіду українського неомарксизму, який не спрощував проблематику колоніалізму, зводячи її до расового чинника, є вельми актуальним. Ідейний ресурс постколоніальних студій, розуміння специфіки України як «колонії європейського типу» вкрай потрібні сьогодні для проведення глибин- них реформ.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to provide a theoretical conceptualisation of guilt and the depoliticization of downsizing practices. The authors begin with a critical review of the relevant management literature aiming to establish the discursive normalization and individualization of (un)employment. The authors then use secondary sources to reflect on the downsizing process. A process that, as the authors argue, is distinguished into three separate but interconnected phases: corporate memos (phase 1), termination scripts (phase 2) and the role of outplacement services (phase 3). By examining this process, the aim is to point to the mechanisms through which downsizing practices are neutralized and depoliticized.Design/methodology/approachThis is a conceptual work that provides a systematic overview of the existing management literature on downsizing and guilt. Use of other secondary sources (corporate memos and termination scripts) is also employed to draw links between the discursive normalization of downsizing as identified in the relevant literature and the specific organizational processes and practices implemented by corporations during downsizing. The authors identify common ideas and themes that cut across the relevant literature and the secondary sources and aim to offer a theoretical conceptualisation of guilt and the depoliticization of downsizing practices.FindingsThis paper argues that downsizing discourses and practices contribute to the feelings of personal responsibility and self-blame, reinforcing an individualistic understanding of work and unemployment that excludes more structural ones, and that it helps in reproducing the existing structures of power.Research limitations/implicationsThe study recognizes that employees' reactions are not only unpredictable but also constantly evolving, depending on personal and social circumstances. The authors also recognize that the work is based on secondary sources much of which talk about practices in US companies, and thus the authors are and should be cautious of generalizations. The authors hope, however, that the authors will encourage further empirical research, particularly among organization studies and critical management scholars, on downsizing practices and guilt. For the authors' part, the authors have tried to offer a critical reflection on how guilt is produced through corporate discourses and practices, and the authors believe that further empirical investigation on the three phases of the downsizing process (as identified in our work) and the lived experience of (un)employment is needed. As corporate downsizing discourses and practices frame (un)employment in strictly individualist and behavioral terms, the authors wish to emphasize the need for further theoretical investigation and political contestation. The authors, therefore, hope that the work will contribute to the relevant literature on downsizing practices and open up the discussions around layoff policies and the structural conditions of (un)employment.Originality/valueThe paper shows that downsizing practices and feelings of guilt are strongly linked to and exemplify the "individualization" of social and political issues such as work and unemployment. The authors suggest that individualization signifies, in some sense, a retreat from organized collective resistance and mobilization based upon class and that the prevalence of the ideology of individualism (and its correlative, meritocracy), over alternative explanations and solutions to such public issues, helps in reproducing existing structures of power and inequity.

Fil: Bauer, Anahid. Universidad de San Andrés. Departamento de Economía; Argentina. ; Los partidos políticos son el nexo entre los votantes y los políticos. El transfuguismo legislativo no solo distorsiona la representatividad del resultado electoral, también amenaza la estabilidad del sistema democrático al ofuscar al electorado. Para poder diseñar políticas que restablezcan dicha representatividad es primordial entender los determinantes delcomportamiento de los legisladores. Utilizando un nuevo panel de datos dinámico, construido con más de 420.000 votos de la H. Cámara de Diputados Argentina, este trabajo estudia la dinámica de los bloques y el transfuguismo. El trabajo estima la relevancia de características individuales y del partido, el efecto de pares, la configuración del poder y la posibilidad de ser independiente en la Cámara como claves del transfuguismo legislativo. Encuentro que el transfuguismo es una decisión interdependiente que se basa más en el efecto de pares del mismo partido que de distinto partido. La distancia ideológica, la lealtad al líder del partido, el poder del partido y el ciclo legislativo también son determinantes importantes del transfuguismo. Para prevenir el transfuguismo, incrementar su costo reputacional es menos efectivo que promover transparencia en el proceso electoral. Respecto a la motivación, los tránsfugas tienen una mayor probabilidad de mejorar su posición en la próxima boleta electoral, por lo que hay más incentivos al transfuguismo para aquellos que busquen permanecer en su puesto. Adicionalmente, los tránsfugas cambian su forma de votar previo a cambiar de partido, mientras que el comportamiento de sus pares. Finalmente, el trasfuguismo está afectado por el deseo de permanencia y por la ideología. ; Political parties are the nexus between voters and politicians. Legislative party switching not only distorts the representativeness of electoral results but also threatens the stability of the democratic system by obfuscating the electorate. In order to design policies that restore the representativeness of the political system, it is paramount to understand the determinants behind legislators' behavior. Using a novel dynamic panel data set, constructed by collecting more than 420,000 votes from Argentina's House of Representatives, this paper studies party switching and group dynamics. This work estimates the relevance of individual and party characteristics as well as peers' effects, power configuration and the possibility of remaining independent inside the Chamber as key features of legislator's decision to switch. I find that party switching is an interdependent decision that relies more on same party peer effects than in different party peer effects. Ideological Distance, loyalty to party leaders, power of the party and the legislative cycle are important determinants of party switching. Moreover, increasing reputation costs of party switching is less effective at preventing it than promoting a transparent electoral process. In terms of the motivation, I find that party switchers have a higher probability of improving their ballot position compared to non-switchers, suggesting that office seeking legislators have higher incentives to switch. Additionally, party switchers changed their voting behavior in the period close to their switching meeting, whereas nonswitchers' behavior was not affected by same party switches. Lastly, both office seeking and ideology seeking motivations affect the decision to switch. ; Sosa Escudero, Walter

The article analyzes Ukraine in Ukrainian electronic publicistic periodicals, namely "Nashe Slovo" ta "Nash vybir" for 2017–2019. The choice of the study period is due to the fact that it most clearly characterizes the dynamics of coverage of Ukrainian-Polish relations and events in Ukraine by foreign media.The research defines several main issues addressed by the authors to form the respective image of Ukraine for the citizens and its perception by the Poles. Among them are: characteristics of Ukrainian-Polish historical relations and Ukrainian politicians; political issues; attitudes towards Ukrainian immigrants and wage earners. The most discussed and described topic in foreign editions was the topic of presidential and parliamentary elections in Ukraine; also the publications focused on Ukrainians' voting abroad.The perception of Ukraine and its characteristics in the Ukrainian-language weekly "Nashe Slovo" and newspaper "Nash vybir" were formed on the basis of sociopolitical and Ukrainian-Polish historical events, their impact on the global political situation. Such images and characteristics of Ukraine, Ukrainians, and Ukrainian politicians that remained unchanged during the analyzed period are distinguished: Ukraine as an important neighbor, the "barbaric state", "Bandera ideology", "Bandera monuments", "Banderism"; Ukrainians as "murderers, hostile neighbors, traitors"; V. Viatrovych as "a moderate wing of Ukrainian nationalists", P. Poroshenko as "the most likable Ukrainian oligarch", Yu. Tymoshenko as a "veteran" of Ukrainian politics, V. Zelenskyi's hybrid election campaign.Thus, despite the recent decrease in the number of Poles with a positive attitude towards Ukraine, and the crisis in Ukrainian-Polish relations, Poland remains interested in the development and stability of Ukraine, its democratic changes and integration into the European space. ; У статті аналізується Україна в електронно-публіцистичних україномовних періодичних виданнях, а саме «Наше Слово» та «Наш вибір», за 2017–2019 рр. Вибір періоду дослідження обумовлений тим, що сучасний етап найбільш яскраво характеризує динаміку висвітлення українсько-польських відносин та подій в Україні закордонними ЗМІ. Виділено кілька основних питань, звертаючись до яких, автори формували у громадян відповідні характеристики України та її сприйняття поляками. А саме: характеристика українсько-польських історичних відносин та українських політиків, політичні питання, ставлення до українських іммігрантів та заробітчан. Найбільш обговорюваною та описаною темою в закордонних виданнях була тема президентських та парламентських виборів в Україні, в публікаціях також приділена увага голосуванню українців за кордоном.Сприйняття України та її характеристики в україномовному тижневику «Наше Слово» та газеті «Наш вибір» було сформовано на основі суспільно-політичних та українсько-польських історичних подій та їх впливу на загальнополітичну ситуацію у світі. Виокремлено образи та характеристики України, українців та українських політиків, які були незмінними протягом аналізованого періоду, зокрема: Україна – важливий сусід, «варварська держава», «бандерівська ідеологія», «бандерівські монументи», «бандеризм»; українці – це «убивці, сусіди-вороги, зрадники»; В. В'ятрович – «помірковане крило українських націоналістів», П. Порошенко – «найбільш симпатичний з українських олігархів», Ю. Тимошенко – «ветеранка» української політики, гібридна передвиборча кампанія В. Зеленського.Таким чином, незважаючи на те, що кількість поляків з позитивним ставленням до України скоротилася за останні роки, та на кризу в українсько-польських відносинах, Польща, проте, зацікавлена в розвитку та стабільності України, її демократичних змінах й інтеграції в європейський простір.

The article analyzes Ukraine in Ukrainian electronic publicistic periodicals, namely "Nashe Slovo" ta "Nash vybir" for 2017–2019. The choice of the study period is due to the fact that it most clearly characterizes the dynamics of coverage of Ukrainian-Polish relations and events in Ukraine by foreign media.The research defines several main issues addressed by the authors to form the respective image of Ukraine for the citizens and its perception by the Poles. Among them are: characteristics of Ukrainian-Polish historical relations and Ukrainian politicians; political issues; attitudes towards Ukrainian immigrants and wage earners. The most discussed and described topic in foreign editions was the topic of presidential and parliamentary elections in Ukraine; also the publications focused on Ukrainians' voting abroad.The perception of Ukraine and its characteristics in the Ukrainian-language weekly "Nashe Slovo" and newspaper "Nash vybir" were formed on the basis of sociopolitical and Ukrainian-Polish historical events, their impact on the global political situation. Such images and characteristics of Ukraine, Ukrainians, and Ukrainian politicians that remained unchanged during the analyzed period are distinguished: Ukraine as an important neighbor, the "barbaric state", "Bandera ideology", "Bandera monuments", "Banderism"; Ukrainians as "murderers, hostile neighbors, traitors"; V. Viatrovych as "a moderate wing of Ukrainian nationalists", P. Poroshenko as "the most likable Ukrainian oligarch", Yu. Tymoshenko as a "veteran" of Ukrainian politics, V. Zelenskyi's hybrid election campaign.Thus, despite the recent decrease in the number of Poles with a positive attitude towards Ukraine, and the crisis in Ukrainian-Polish relations, Poland remains interested in the development and stability of Ukraine, its democratic changes and integration into the European space. ; У статті аналізується Україна в електронно-публіцистичних україномовних періодичних виданнях, а саме «Наше Слово» та «Наш вибір», за 2017–2019 рр. Вибір періоду дослідження обумовлений тим, що сучасний етап найбільш яскраво характеризує динаміку висвітлення українсько-польських відносин та подій в Україні закордонними ЗМІ. Виділено кілька основних питань, звертаючись до яких, автори формували у громадян відповідні характеристики України та її сприйняття поляками. А саме: характеристика українсько-польських історичних відносин та українських політиків, політичні питання, ставлення до українських іммігрантів та заробітчан. Найбільш обговорюваною та описаною темою в закордонних виданнях була тема президентських та парламентських виборів в Україні, в публікаціях також приділена увага голосуванню українців за кордоном.Сприйняття України та її характеристики в україномовному тижневику «Наше Слово» та газеті «Наш вибір» було сформовано на основі суспільно-політичних та українсько-польських історичних подій та їх впливу на загальнополітичну ситуацію у світі. Виокремлено образи та характеристики України, українців та українських політиків, які були незмінними протягом аналізованого періоду, зокрема: Україна – важливий сусід, «варварська держава», «бандерівська ідеологія», «бандерівські монументи», «бандеризм»; українці – це «убивці, сусіди-вороги, зрадники»; В. В'ятрович – «помірковане крило українських націоналістів», П. Порошенко – «найбільш симпатичний з українських олігархів», Ю. Тимошенко – «ветеранка» української політики, гібридна передвиборча кампанія В. Зеленського.Таким чином, незважаючи на те, що кількість поляків з позитивним ставленням до України скоротилася за останні роки, та на кризу в українсько-польських відносинах, Польща, проте, зацікавлена в розвитку та стабільності України, її демократичних змінах й інтеграції в європейський простір.

Michael Burawoy's Manufacturing Consent is a must-have book for all those, who, like me, study the so-called "Labour World," particularly what happens within factories. However, Michael Burawoy is much more than the author of that enlightening book. Born in Manchester in a Jewish family of Russian origin, he has been trying to understand how consent is organized among the dominated for the last 40 years. That was the issue he dealt with in Zambia in 1968, during the post-colonial process, when he got a job in the copper industry and discovered the articulations between the factory regime and racial segregation. From that experience emerged The Color of Class on the Copper Mines: From African Advancement to Zambianization (1972). In 1974, it prevailed again as a concern when, already having become a sociologist, he was employed as a metalworker worker on the outskirts of Chicago and conducted the ethnography that is the basis of Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process in the Monopolist Capitalism (1982). This work allowed him to consolidate the idea that it is impossible to understand what happens in the work place without establishing the relationship between that space and the political-economic context in which it is placed, giving rise to the concept of "Political Regime of Production" that would be deepened in the books The Politics of Production: Factory Regimes Under Capitalism and Socialism (1985) and The Radiant Past. Ideology and Reality in Hungary's Road to Capitalism (1994), based on a comparison between his experience as a worker in Chicago and his experience in Hungary in the 1980s, while this country was under the Soviet orbit. And it was to explore that idea that he decided to do field work in a factory in Russia in the early 1990's, when the capitalist restoration began. But that same concern was what led him to adopt Marxism as his theoretical point of view and ethnography as his research method, developing a series of theoretical- methodological discussions that can be found in books such as The Extended Case Method: Four Countries, Four Decades, Four Great Transformations, and One Theoretical Tradition (1997), or Sociological Marxism (2000), written with Eric Olin Wright. In short, Michael Burawoy is a rara avis of the American academy: a teacher who walks through classrooms openly calling for a rebuilding of Marxism, a researcher who holds a methodological battle to the death against inductivism and a sociologist who proposes to rethink the idea of the organic intellectual relating the sociology with anti-capitalist movements. In March 2018, Burawoy was invited by Indiana University, Bloomington campus, to give a lecture entitled "Marxism engages Bourdieu." I was there carrying out a research stay at the History Department. Chance caused that, for the first time, I had the possibility of personally listening to someone who had been inspiring for my own ethnographic work. From that first meeting, other subsequent meetings emerged, the result of which is this interview I conducted in his office at the Berkeley University.

Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), American writer of Russian origin, was the author of fiction written first in Russian and then in American English. His work has been a constant source of fascination for his readers, but their interpretation has been limited by its reception. Upon the publication of Lolita (1955), Nabokov is seen as a precursor of American postmodernism. His writings are interpreted as the climax of the modernist quest for artistic autonomy and a triumph of autotelic creation, and a poetic of "tyranny" is identified in his work, with the author reigning supreme as an "absolute dictator."However, Nabokov had never ceased to be preoccupied with two political issues in 20th century History, which he continuously denounced in his writings: the issue of the submission of art to any kind of ideology and that of tyranny illustrated by the Nazi and Soviet political regimes. From the very beginning of his career, in his Russian texts and later in his American texts, Nabokov's work examines the consequences of the Bolshevik Revolution, seen as the historical event that changes the "distribution of the sensible" (J. Rancière) in the 20th century. The autotelic nature of his work, whose features should be defined in opposition to aesthetic forms that celebrate the commitment of art, actually indicates that Nabokov defines a new "politics of literature" (J. Rancière) based on emancipation, which Nabokov calls "a magic democracy" and considers to be a "critical art" whose aesthetic effect is predicated on its distance, thus including "in the form of the work the confrontation between what the world is and what the world may become" (J. Rancière). ; Écrite d'abord en russe puis en anglo-américain, l'œuvre romanesque de Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), écrivain américain d'origine russe, fascine ses lecteurs, mais leur participation à l'achèvement de cette œuvre artistique a été singulièrement restreinte par sa réception. La publication de Lolita (1955) le transforme en précurseur du postmodernisme américain. Aboutissement de la quête moderne de l'autonomie de l'art et triomphe de l'autotélisme artistique, sa création se trouve alors interprétée en poétique « tyrannique » sur laquelle règne l'auteur en « dictateur absolu ». Vladimir Nabokov, pourtant, n'a cessé d'identifier dans l'Histoire et de combattre dans son œuvre deux questions politiques du vingtième siècle : celle de la soumission de l'art à l'idéologie (quelle qu'en soit le nom) et celle de la tyrannie (actualisée par les régimes politiques nazi et soviétique). Dès l'origine, sa création de langue russe, puis anglo-américaine, est synchronisée avec les conséquences, tant en Russie qu'en Occident, de la Révolution bolchevique, l'événement historique qui change le « partage du sensible » (Jacques Rancière) vingtiémiste. La nature autotélique de sa création, dont les caractéristiques sont à redéfinir en opposition aux formes artistiques prônant l'engagement de l'art, indique en réalité que Nabokov propose une nouvelle « politique de la littérature » (Jacques Rancière) de l'émancipation qu'il a lui-même appelée du nom de « démocratie magique » et fait d'elle un « art critique » dont l'effet politique passe par sa distance esthétique, incluant « dans la forme de l'œuvre la confrontation de ce que le monde est avec ce que le monde pourrait être » (Jacques Rancière).

Післявоєнні десятиліття були чи не найтрагічнішим періодом в історії християнських церков Закарпаття. Державна ідеологія СРСР у формі войовничого атеїзму виключала існування альтернативногосвітобачення. Порівняно «ліберальна» політика середини 1950-х років змінилася жорсткою позицією державної влади СРСР та відповідно УРСР кінця 1950-х – початку 1960-х років щодо релігії й Церкви. Безперечно, усі ці чинники істотно звужували можливості легальної релігійної практики, але водночас не впливали кардинально на зниження активності віруючих, на що розраховували владні структури. Попри всі жорсткі випробування, реформатську церкву не змогли зламати. Церква надалі виконувала функцію важливого консолідуючого чинника для угорців краю і була серйозним противником атеїстичних планів влади. Мовна ізольованість угорців від російськомовного (частково україномовного) державного апарату була їй на користь, зокрема, ускладнювала «висвітлення» її діяльності та процесів у її середовищі для апарату Ради у справах релігійних культів. У даній статті аналізуються процеси, що відбувалися у Реформатській Церкві Закарпаття у післявоєнний період. Визначено характер відносин між її керівниками та представниками радянської влади. Здійснено аналіз внутрішньої боротьби між лідерами окремих реформатських груп. Розкрито особливості політики радянської адміністрації у післявоєнні роки щодо Реформатської церкви Закарпаття, яка для угорців краю виступала важливим, етноконсолідуючим чинником. Окреслено стратегію виживання у нових умовах Реформатської церкви Закарпаття, індивідуальну поведінку її керівництва та вірних. Серед звинувачень, що висувалися радянськими репресивними органами на адресу реформатських священнослужителів, переважало інкримінування "антирадянської політичної діяльності" в період Чехословаччини чи Угорщини. ; The post-war decades were perhaps the most tragic period in the history of the Christian churches of Transcarpathia. The state ideology of the USSR in the form of militant atheism, excluded the existence of an alternative worldview. It was make to weaken, and moreover, to eliminate the influence of the church and the clergy. The relatively"liberal" policy of the mid-1950s was replaced by a hard position of the Soviet government and, correspondingly, the USSR at the end of the 1950s and early 1960s, with respect to religion and the Church. Despite all the harsh trials, the Reformed Church was not able to break, the church continued to function as an important consolidating factor for theHungarians people of the region. Church was a serious opponent of atheistic power plans. The Hungarians' linguistic isolation from the Russian-speaking (partly Ukrainian-language) state apparatus was in her favor, in particular, making harder "illuminating" her activities and processes in her environment for the apparatus of the Council for Religious Affairs. The article examines the processes that took place in the environment of the Reformed Church of Transcarpathia in the postwar period. The nature of the relationship between its leaders and the Soviet authorities is determined. The analysis of the internal struggle between the leaders of some Reformed groups is made. Are revealedthe peculiarities of the Soviet administration policy in the post-war period in the relation to the Reformed church of Transcarpathia which was the important ethnic consolidating factor for the Hungarians of the region in the context of denationalization processes introduced by the Kremlin. The strategy for survival in the new conditions of the ReformedChurch of Zakarpattia and individual behavior of its administration and parishioners are outlined. Criminating of "anti–Soviet political activities" in the days of Czechoslovakia or Hungary, participation in different political parties.

Післявоєнні десятиліття були чи не найтрагічнішим періодом в історії християнських церков Закарпаття. Державна ідеологія СРСР у формі войовничого атеїзму виключала існування альтернативногосвітобачення. Порівняно «ліберальна» політика середини 1950-х років змінилася жорсткою позицією державної влади СРСР та відповідно УРСР кінця 1950-х – початку 1960-х років щодо релігії й Церкви. Безперечно, усі ці чинники істотно звужували можливості легальної релігійної практики, але водночас не впливали кардинально на зниження активності віруючих, на що розраховували владні структури. Попри всі жорсткі випробування, реформатську церкву не змогли зламати. Церква надалі виконувала функцію важливого консолідуючого чинника для угорців краю і була серйозним противником атеїстичних планів влади. Мовна ізольованість угорців від російськомовного (частково україномовного) державного апарату була їй на користь, зокрема, ускладнювала «висвітлення» її діяльності та процесів у її середовищі для апарату Ради у справах релігійних культів. У даній статті аналізуються процеси, що відбувалися у Реформатській Церкві Закарпаття у післявоєнний період. Визначено характер відносин між її керівниками та представниками радянської влади. Здійснено аналіз внутрішньої боротьби між лідерами окремих реформатських груп. Розкрито особливості політики радянської адміністрації у післявоєнні роки щодо Реформатської церкви Закарпаття, яка для угорців краю виступала важливим, етноконсолідуючим чинником. Окреслено стратегію виживання у нових умовах Реформатської церкви Закарпаття, індивідуальну поведінку її керівництва та вірних. Серед звинувачень, що висувалися радянськими репресивними органами на адресу реформатських священнослужителів, переважало інкримінування "антирадянської політичної діяльності" в період Чехословаччини чи Угорщини. ; The post-war decades were perhaps the most tragic period in the history of the Christian churches of Transcarpathia. The state ideology of the USSR in the form of militant atheism, excluded the existence of an alternative worldview. It was make to weaken, and moreover, to eliminate the influence of the church and the clergy. The relatively"liberal" policy of the mid-1950s was replaced by a hard position of the Soviet government and, correspondingly, the USSR at the end of the 1950s and early 1960s, with respect to religion and the Church. Despite all the harsh trials, the Reformed Church was not able to break, the church continued to function as an important consolidating factor for theHungarians people of the region. Church was a serious opponent of atheistic power plans. The Hungarians' linguistic isolation from the Russian-speaking (partly Ukrainian-language) state apparatus was in her favor, in particular, making harder "illuminating" her activities and processes in her environment for the apparatus of the Council for Religious Affairs. The article examines the processes that took place in the environment of the Reformed Church of Transcarpathia in the postwar period. The nature of the relationship between its leaders and the Soviet authorities is determined. The analysis of the internal struggle between the leaders of some Reformed groups is made. Are revealedthe peculiarities of the Soviet administration policy in the post-war period in the relation to the Reformed church of Transcarpathia which was the important ethnic consolidating factor for the Hungarians of the region in the context of denationalization processes introduced by the Kremlin. The strategy for survival in the new conditions of the ReformedChurch of Zakarpattia and individual behavior of its administration and parishioners are outlined. Criminating of "anti–Soviet political activities" in the days of Czechoslovakia or Hungary, participation in different political parties.

A thesis submitted to the University of Bedfordshire, in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ; Since the late 1980s, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has taken dedicated steps to open itself to the wider world. It has not only adopted practices which encourage many foreigners to visit China, but it has also adopted practices which encourage Chinese citizens to travel overseas, following the guarded decades of the earlier twentieth century. Over the last two decades, the concept of soft power, coined by U.S. political analyst Joseph Nye, has won currency in China as a major means by which the PRC has revealed preferred versions of itself to not only those from afar but also to its indigenous population. This study inspects the role of soft power in tourism and positions 'tourism' as a paramount mechanism by which authorities in China use the value of tourism to communication selected visions of Chinese life, events and places. It seeks to examine what becomes represented from Chinese inheritances and what becomes adopted as a soft power resource to constitute dominant regimes of representation. In an effort to probe the manner by which the nation of China denotates this or that about 'China' in comparison to the manner by which the city of Xi'an --- the former capital of China --- denotates this or that about 'Xi'an'. Attention is thereby frequently turned to Confucian/Neo-Confucian understandings, since many observers of representational paradigms see significant parallels in what political-strategists propose about soft power today and what the ancient philosopher (Kongfuzi = Confucius) advises about state ideology, imperial ritual and exemplary rule. To these ends, this study is focuses on the production of meaning through language, discourse and image. Constituting an interpretive rather than empirical study, it constitutes an exploratory investigation of acts of significnce at national and old-ancient-city levels. The study does not seek to make immediate and full conclusions on these projective practices, it isbased upon a single year's inspection, based distantly in England and examines the representational ground in order to set up an ongoing and more substantive study of these national/local acts of representational denotation from 2018 onwards, once this preliminary investigation has been completed at its European base. Thus, this study is accorded with an auxiliary study objectives which directs the researcher towards a richer and more informed in situ examination of institutional agency in harnessing the culture-historic inheritances and the contemporary-lifeways at the national level in China vis-a-vis the old (but still vibrant) capital city level. Many readers might thus quibble that in such an exploratory investigation, the said 'auxiliary study objectives' should indeed be labelled as 'the main study aim'. This inquiry does not consequently seek to generate heaps of unbaked findings, it seeks to clear the path for a 5 year research agenda conducted on the ground in China (and Xi'an) itself (themselves), viz., a 2019-2024 study that can harness the five year national plan activities due to be released in October 2018 by President Xi Jinping in some form of Chinese Dream fashion.

Fil: Lobo, Laura. Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias; Argentina. ; Las acciones políticas que las sociedades realizan sobre el espacio tienen consecuencias instituyentes en los sujetos que lo habitan, reflejan los conceptos teóricos, procesos históricos, debates y contradicciones en relación al espacio público, a las problemáticas que conlleva y los argumentos que deberían sustentar las políticas públicas en relación al mismo. En este sentido, la ideología que orienta hoy muchas de las acciones políticas en el espacio sirve a la legitimación y reproducción del orden social existente. Con graves consecuencias en la vida social y preservación de las personas, un ejemplo de esto son los siniestros viales. Las construcciones culturales en torno al espacio público y la convivencia en él son el foco principal al cual deben apuntar las políticas públicas para transformar las problemáticas que se presentan. Es necesario pensar acciones que promuevan una revolución espacial, nuevas significaciones que vinculen a la circulación por esos espacios con principios y valores propios del respeto a lo colectivo. La educación vial histórica de nuestro país siempre fue funcional a la reproducción cultural de estas construcciones legales paralelas donde repetimos lo que dice la norma pero al mismo tiempo practicamos otras reglas sin que aparezcan nunca en los registros pedagógicos. Este trabajo aspira ser una contribución para llegar a un entendimiento acerca de qué es lo justo y aceptable en materia de políticas públicas en relación al espacio y los siniestros viales como una expresión problemática, recuperando los instrumentos que permitan expandir las fronteras de lo posible en materia de educación vial para poder transformar la realidad actual. ; Political decisions taken by society on space have founding consequences on the subjects that live in it; they reflect the theoretical concepts, historical processes, debates and contradictions about public space, the difficulties that are involved and the arguments that should support public policies related to such space. In this sense, the ideology that guides many of the political decisions on space serves to the legitimization and reproduction of the existing social order. An example of this is traffic accidents, which has severe consequences on social life and the preservation of people. In order to transform the issues that arise, public policies must focus on cultural structures of public space and coexistence in it. It is necessary to plan actions that promote a spacial revolution, new meanings that link the circulation around those spaces with the principles and values typical of the consideration to public interest. Historically, traffic education in our country has always been functional to the cultural reproduction of these parallel legal constructions where we repeat what the norm says, but at the same time we practice other rules that never appear in pedagogical files. This work is aimed at being a contribution to get to an agreement on what is fair and acceptable when it comes to public policies on space and traffic accidents as a topic, recovering instruments that allow expanding the horizons of what is possible when it comes to traffic education so the current reality can be transformed.