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The article deals with inter-confessional relations during the period of Ukraine's independence in the context of international activity, namely the relevant church-religious and state-political aspects. It is determined that in the historiography the outlined issues have not yet been the subject of a separate study. International activity is one of the areas of activity of churches and religious organizations in Ukraine; it is also implemented within the framework of inter-confessional relations. The most constructive inter-confessional dialogue in the context of international activity is being implemented by the All-Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organizations. Both church-religious organizations and inter-confessional associations support their own and state-political international initiatives. Religious international initiatives are manifested through the support of relations with foreign church-religious structures, the organization of the participation of clergy in foreign thematic events, meetings of foreign religious and clergy, political and state figures, delegations from other countries. The controversial attitude of various religious denominations, which has come to the international level, is observed with regard to the creation of the Single Local Orthodox Ukrainian Church. An important direction in the inter-confessional dialogue in the international context was the support for European integration of Ukraine and the confrontation with Russian military aggression in Ukraine. In general, the church and religious organizations did not oppose European integration, and in some cases openly supported it. Church-religious organizations have been actively involved in Ukraine's activities aimed at engaging international support of Ukraine in confronting Russian military aggression. Significant successes of the religious community should be noted, specifically, in promoting the release of Ukrainian prisoners of war and hostages, providing humanitarian assistance to victims, condemning the harassment of freedom of conscience and the activities of religious organizations on the occupied territories, etc. ; W artykule rozpatrzywa się relacje międzykonfesyjne w kontekście dziawalności międzynarodowej, zwłaszcza odpowiedne aspekty kościelno-religijne a polityczno-państwowe. Ustalono że dzałalność międzynarodowa jest jednym z kierunków działalności kościołów i organizacji religijnych na Ukrainie, ona również realizuje się w ramach relacji międzykonfesyjnych. Organizacji kościelno-religijne i stowarzyszenia międzykonfesyjne wspierają własne a polityczno-państwowe iniciatywy międzynarodowe. Niejednoznaczna postawa różnych wyznań religijnych, co przejawiło się na skali międzynarodowej, obserweuje się w odniesieniu do kwestii stworzenia jednego lokalnego Kościoła prawosławnego na Ukrainie. Ważnym kierunkiem dialogu międzykonfesyjnego w kontekście międzynarodowym rozpoczęto wsparcie integracji europejskiej Ukrainy a przeciwdziałania rosyjskiej agresji wojskowej na Ukrainie. ; У статті розглядаються міжконфесійні відносини в Україні у контексті міжнародної діяльності, зокрема відповідні церковно-релігійні та державно-політичні аспекти. Визначено, що міжнародна діяльність є одним із напрямків діяльності церков і релігійних організацій в Україні, вона також реалізується у рамках міжконфесійних відносин. І церковно-релігійні організації, і міжконфесійні об'єднання підтримують власні та державно-політичні міжнародні ініціативи. Неоднозначне ставлення різних релігійних конфесій, що вийшло і на міжнародний рівень, спостерігається щодо питання створення Помісної Церкви в Україні. Важливим напрямком міжконфесійного діалогу у міжнародному контексті стали підтримка європейської інтеграції України та протистояння російській військовій агресії в Україні.

The article deals with inter-confessional relations during the period of Ukraine's independence in the context of international activity, namely the relevant church-religious and state-political aspects. It is determined that in the historiography the outlined issues have not yet been the subject of a separate study. International activity is one of the areas of activity of churches and religious organizations in Ukraine; it is also implemented within the framework of inter-confessional relations. The most constructive inter-confessional dialogue in the context of international activity is being implemented by the All-Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organizations. Both church-religious organizations and inter-confessional associations support their own and state-political international initiatives. Religious international initiatives are manifested through the support of relations with foreign church-religious structures, the organization of the participation of clergy in foreign thematic events, meetings of foreign religious and clergy, political and state figures, delegations from other countries. The controversial attitude of various religious denominations, which has come to the international level, is observed with regard to the creation of the Single Local Orthodox Ukrainian Church. An important direction in the inter-confessional dialogue in the international context was the support for European integration of Ukraine and the confrontation with Russian military aggression in Ukraine. In general, the church and religious organizations did not oppose European integration, and in some cases openly supported it. Church-religious organizations have been actively involved in Ukraine's activities aimed at engaging international support of Ukraine in confronting Russian military aggression. Significant successes of the religious community should be noted, specifically, in promoting the release of Ukrainian prisoners of war and hostages, providing humanitarian assistance to victims, condemning the harassment of freedom of conscience and the activities of religious organizations on the occupied territories, etc. ; W artykule rozpatrzywa się relacje międzykonfesyjne w kontekście dziawalności międzynarodowej, zwłaszcza odpowiedne aspekty kościelno-religijne a polityczno-państwowe. Ustalono że dzałalność międzynarodowa jest jednym z kierunków działalności kościołów i organizacji religijnych na Ukrainie, ona również realizuje się w ramach relacji międzykonfesyjnych. Organizacji kościelno-religijne i stowarzyszenia międzykonfesyjne wspierają własne a polityczno-państwowe iniciatywy międzynarodowe. Niejednoznaczna postawa różnych wyznań religijnych, co przejawiło się na skali międzynarodowej, obserweuje się w odniesieniu do kwestii stworzenia jednego lokalnego Kościoła prawosławnego na Ukrainie. Ważnym kierunkiem dialogu międzykonfesyjnego w kontekście międzynarodowym rozpoczęto wsparcie integracji europejskiej Ukrainy a przeciwdziałania rosyjskiej agresji wojskowej na Ukrainie. ; У статті розглядаються міжконфесійні відносини в Україні у контексті міжнародної діяльності, зокрема відповідні церковно-релігійні та державно-політичні аспекти. Визначено, що міжнародна діяльність є одним із напрямків діяльності церков і релігійних організацій в Україні, вона також реалізується у рамках міжконфесійних відносин. І церковно-релігійні організації, і міжконфесійні об'єднання підтримують власні та державно-політичні міжнародні ініціативи. Неоднозначне ставлення різних релігійних конфесій, що вийшло і на міжнародний рівень, спостерігається щодо питання створення Помісної Церкви в Україні. Важливим напрямком міжконфесійного діалогу у міжнародному контексті стали підтримка європейської інтеграції України та протистояння російській військовій агресії в Україні.

The international debate on migration policy increasingly views cities as game changers since cities have to find rapid, efficient, and lasting solutions to problems relating to forced displacement and migration. How­ever, this assessment also has its critics. From a European perspective, cooperating with African cities is important because migration from Africa is expected to rise in the short and medium term. From an African perspective, there is a wish to extend the potential for legal migration and for intercontinental mobility. Existing cooperation between African and European cities shows that the actors involved pursue very different objectives. Their potential for par­ticipation is limited but simultaneously highly dependent on political will and context. In order to make use of cities' potential for cooperation, particularly in shaping legal migration, cooperation instruments must be designed in such a way as to give cities adequate funding and sufficient powers. Divisions between urban and rural areas should not be deepened, and social conflicts should not be exacerbated. Public funds should be used preferentially to support existing networks, especially those of small and medium-sized cities; such cities should be involved above all in the shaping of labour mobility and migration and in the reception of refugees. Philanthropic funding of cities and city net­works can also be helpful in harnessing the potential of municipal actors. (author's abstract)

While a second Trump Presidency would be challenging for transatlantic ties, US nuclear assurances to its NATO allies in Europe would likely be the last casualty - not the first - of a fraying relationship. There is an intrinsic incompatibility between the United States completely abandoning its role as global actor, which would be the prerequisite for the withdrawal of such assurances, and Trump's domestic interests. It cannot be denied that the worst-case scenario - namely, the end of extended nu­clear deterrence - is possible and requires careful contingency planning on the part of the allies; but it is highly unlikely and should not distract from addressing the more prob­able outcome. Even in the best-case scenario of a Trump II administration resembling his first term, US nuclear assurances are likely to become less credible. To allay con­cerns, German and European policymakers should work with their US counterparts before and after the November 2024 election to strengthen transatlantic diplomatic coordination, conventional deterrence and defence, as well as nuclear options. (author's abstract)

12 páginas, ilustrado, 1 tabulación, 22 referencias. ; En 1996, la Comunidad Andina (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Perú y Venezuela) fue el primer bloque de integración regional que aprobó legislación con respecto al acceso a los recursos genéticos y el reparto equitativo de beneficios (ABS). A través de los años, la Decisión 391 sobre un régimen común de acceso a los recursos genéticos se ha convertido en un hito y referente importante en la discusión del ABS. Sin embargo, la puesta en práctica de esta decisión no ha estado libre de dificultades, incluyendo los altos costos de transacción e incertidumbre con respecto a su ámbito y alcance. Con la adopción y la entrada en vigencia del Tratado Internacional sobre los Recursos Fitogenéticos para la Alimentación y la Agricultura, los países andinos se encuentran con el reto de resolver qué normativa es aplicable al acceso a los recursos fitogenéticos para la alimentación y la agricultura, especialmente aquellos cubiertos por el sistema multilateral del Tratado. La Decisión 391 y el Tratado internacional tienen enfoques muy diferentes en cuanto al acceso y reparto de beneficios, y en la región todavía se está discutiendo si aplicar las reglas más restrictivas de la Decisión o el enfoque multilateral, más flexible, ofrecido por el Tratado. Todo esto en un contexto en el que todavía no está claro cuál prevalece en términos de su estatuto legal, si el Tratado o la Decisión 391. El tema es especialmente importante para los países andinos, porque Perú y Colombia son anfitriones de dos grandes centros internacionales: el Centro Internacional de la Papa (CIP) y el Centro Internacional de Agricultura Tropical (CIAT). Este artículo discute y explora algunos de los temas relacionados con la puesta en práctica y la aplicabilidad de la Decisión 391 y del Tratado Internacional. ; The Andean Community (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela) was the first regional orga nization to pass legislation regarding access to genetic resources and benefit-sharing (ABS) in 1996. Decision 391 on a Common Regime on Access to Genetic Resources has become an important milestone and reference in the debate regarding ABS. However, the implementation of Decision 391 has not lacking difficulties and prob lems, including considerable transaction costs and uncertainties regarding its scope and ambit. With the adoption and entry into force of the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture, Andean countries are facing new chal lenges regarding the conditions for accessing plant genetic resources for food and agriculture, especially those covered by the multilateral system of the Treaty. Decision 391 and the International Treaty have very different approaches regarding access and benefit sharing, and debates are still ongoing in the region as to whether to apply the more restrictive rules of the Decision or the more flexible, multilateral approach offered by the Treaty. All this, in a context where it is still not clear whether the Treaty or Decision 391 prevail in terms of their legal status. This is additionally important for Andean countries, given that Peru and Colombia are hosts to two important international centres: the International Potato Center and the International Centre for Tropical Agriculture. This article explores some of the issues and debates surrounding the implementation and applicability of both Decision 391 and the International Treaty.

12 páginas, ilustrado, 1 tabulación, 22 referencias. ; En 1996, la Comunidad Andina (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Perú y Venezuela) fue el primer bloque de integración regional que aprobó legislación con respecto al acceso a los recursos genéticos y el reparto equitativo de beneficios (ABS). A través de los años, la Decisión 391 sobre un régimen común de acceso a los recursos genéticos se ha convertido en un hito y referente importante en la discusión del ABS. Sin embargo, la puesta en práctica de esta decisión no ha estado libre de dificultades, incluyendo los altos costos de transacción e incertidumbre con respecto a su ámbito y alcance. Con la adopción y la entrada en vigencia del Tratado Internacional sobre los Recursos Fitogenéticos para la Alimentación y la Agricultura, los países andinos se encuentran con el reto de resolver qué normativa es aplicable al acceso a los recursos fitogenéticos para la alimentación y la agricultura, especialmente aquellos cubiertos por el sistema multilateral del Tratado. La Decisión 391 y el Tratado internacional tienen enfoques muy diferentes en cuanto al acceso y reparto de beneficios, y en la región todavía se está discutiendo si aplicar las reglas más restrictivas de la Decisión o el enfoque multilateral, más flexible, ofrecido por el Tratado. Todo esto en un contexto en el que todavía no está claro cuál prevalece en términos de su estatuto legal, si el Tratado o la Decisión 391. El tema es especialmente importante para los países andinos, porque Perú y Colombia son anfitriones de dos grandes centros internacionales: el Centro Internacional de la Papa (CIP) y el Centro Internacional de Agricultura Tropical (CIAT). Este artículo discute y explora algunos de los temas relacionados con la puesta en práctica y la aplicabilidad de la Decisión 391 y del Tratado Internacional. ; The Andean Community (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela) was the first regional orga nization to pass legislation regarding access to genetic resources and benefit-sharing (ABS) in 1996. Decision 391 on a Common Regime on Access to Genetic Resources has become an important milestone and reference in the debate regarding ABS. However, the implementation of Decision 391 has not lacking difficulties and prob lems, including considerable transaction costs and uncertainties regarding its scope and ambit. With the adoption and entry into force of the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture, Andean countries are facing new chal lenges regarding the conditions for accessing plant genetic resources for food and agriculture, especially those covered by the multilateral system of the Treaty. Decision 391 and the International Treaty have very different approaches regarding access and benefit sharing, and debates are still ongoing in the region as to whether to apply the more restrictive rules of the Decision or the more flexible, multilateral approach offered by the Treaty. All this, in a context where it is still not clear whether the Treaty or Decision 391 prevail in terms of their legal status. This is additionally important for Andean countries, given that Peru and Colombia are hosts to two important international centres: the International Potato Center and the International Centre for Tropical Agriculture. This article explores some of the issues and debates surrounding the implementation and applicability of both Decision 391 and the International Treaty.

The article contains materials about general description of the methodological approaches for the compliance of the external sector statistics, conceptual and categorical framework and classifications of the balance of payments statistics, its interconnections with the System of National Accounts (SNA), banking sector statistics and monetary statistics are revealed; information and legal basis for the compliance of the balance of payments statistics in the Russian Federation, provided by the Bank of Russia are presented. Some directions for the increase in efficiency of integrating Russia into the system of the international division of labour on the basis of urgent measures of state economic policy are determined. ; Статья содержит обобщенное описание методологических подходов к составлению статистики внешнего сектора, понятийнокатегориального аппарата и классификаций статистической системы платежного баланса, выделены ее связи с системой национальных счетов, системой банковской и денежно-кредитной статистики, приведена информационная и нормативно-правовая база составления платежного баланса Российской Федерации Банком России. Обозначены направления повышения эффективности интеграции России в системе международного разделения труда на основе принятия неотложных мер государственной экономической политики.

Im September 2017 hat die EU ihre Strategie zur Cybersicherheit aus dem Jahr 2013 aktualisiert. Damit soll Europas kritische Infrastruktur besser geschützt und die digitale Selbstbehauptung gegenüber anderen Weltregionen befördert werden. Doch die erneuerte Strategie lässt Fragen offen, wenn es darum geht, die selbstgesetzten Ziele eines "offenen, freien und sicheren Cyberraums" nach innen wie außen glaubhaft zu vertreten. Weder formuliert die EU eine klare Definition von Widerstandskraft und Abschreckung, noch wird deutlich genug, wie die institutionelle Fragmentierung und rechtliche Unverbindlichkeit in Cybersicherheitsfragen auf EU-Ebene überwunden werden sollen. Zudem bleiben kontroverse Themen ausgespart, wie die Harmonisierung des Strafrechts oder die Nutzung von Verschlüsselung. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten ihre nationalen Alleingänge aufgeben und die gesetzliche Regulierung zur Cybersicherheit auf Ebene der Union beschleunigen. (Autorenreferat)

Security policy White Papers perform several functions. They serve to inform the German Bundestag and the German public, outline the Federal Government's security policy priorities with other countries, especially Germany's most important partners, and assist communication within the Bundeswehr. The White Paper 2016 is the first of its kind since 2006 and upholds this tradition. Its authors seek to redefine Germany's current and future security policy based on events and developments such as the global financial crisis, financial turmoil in the euro area, the suspension of conscription in Germany, upheavals in the Middle East and Russia's annexation of the Crimea. The Federal Government aims to inform the public and its allies in NATO and the EU precisely what the intentions of its security policy are. However, the contours of the Bundeswehr itself and its future remain blurred. The White Paper process, as it is known, was founded on the expectation of being able to openly and publicly discuss all aspects of defence policy. In continuing this process, it is now important to highlight security policy successes, to recognise deficits, to specify action plans and to propose any follow-up work that may be required. (author's abstract)

In December 2020, the European Union (EU) presented its new strategy on cybersecurity with the aim of strengthening Europe's technological and digital sovereignty. The document lists reform projects that will link cybersecurity more closely with the EU's new rules on data, algorithms, markets, and Internet services. However, it clearly falls short of the development of a European cyber diplomacy that is committed to both "strategic openness" and the protection of the digital single market. In order to achieve this, EU cyber diplomacy should be made more coherent in its supranational, demo­cratic, and economic/technological dimensions. Germany can make an important con­tribution to that by providing the necessary legal, technical, and financial resources for the European External Action Service (EEAS). (Autorenreferat)

This paper, having the Sea Watch case as its cornerstone, traces the body of national, treaty and international rules on immigration, especially for what concerns the saving of lives at sea. The objective of the investigation is to answer the following question: is it possible, on the basis of national and international legislation, to prevent the docking of boats, especially if coming from Libya, on which shipwrecked or non-European citizens travel, by rejecting them collectively and preventing them to apply for international protection? The outcome of the investigation, which may appear obvious on the basis of the most recent decisions, nevertheless raises questions regarding the difficult situation in the Mediterranean, in particular, following the riots that occurred in Libya and in the northern part of the African continent starting from 2011. ; Il presente contributo, avendo come pietra angolare il caso Sea Watch, ripercorre il corpo di norme nazionali, pattizie ed internazionali in materia di immigrazione, in particolar modo per ciò che attiene il salvataggio delle vite in mare. L'obiettivo dell'indagine è rispondere alla seguente domanda: è possibile, sulla base della normativa nazionale e internazionale, impedire l'attracco di imbarcazioni, specie se provenienti dalla Libia, su cui viaggino naufraghi o comunque cittadini non europei, respingendoli collettivamente ed impedendo loro di presentare domanda di protezione internazionale? L'esito dell'indagine, che può apparire scontato sulla base delle decisioni più recenti, ci pone comunque interrogativi rispetto alla difficile situazione del mediterraneo, in particolar modo, in seguito ai tumulti verificatisi in Libia e nella parte nord del continente africano a partire dal 2011.

The article analyzes the main stages of the formation and development of national and international legislation, which regulates the legal relationship on the adoption of children. Consistently describes the development of legislation, the change of its basic principles regarding the institution of adoption, the establishment of international standards, the modification of national legislation, etc. ; В статье анализируются основные этапы формирования и развития национального и международного законодательства, которое регулирует правоотношения по усыновлению детей. Последовательно описывается развитие законодательства, изменение его основных принципов относительно института усыновления, установления международных стандартов, реформирование национального законодательства и т.д. ; У статті аналізуються основні етапи формування і розвитку національного і міжнародного законодавства, яке регулює правовідносини усиновлення дітей. Послідовно описується розвиток законодавства, зміна його основних принципів щодо інституту усиновлення, встановлення міжнародних стандартів, реформування національного законодавства і т.д.