Suchergebnisse

Item 1016-A, 1016-B (microfiche). ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The international debate on migration policy increasingly views cities as game changers since cities have to find rapid, efficient, and lasting solutions to problems relating to forced displacement and migration. How­ever, this assessment also has its critics. From a European perspective, cooperating with African cities is important because migration from Africa is expected to rise in the short and medium term. From an African perspective, there is a wish to extend the potential for legal migration and for intercontinental mobility. Existing cooperation between African and European cities shows that the actors involved pursue very different objectives. Their potential for par­ticipation is limited but simultaneously highly dependent on political will and context. In order to make use of cities' potential for cooperation, particularly in shaping legal migration, cooperation instruments must be designed in such a way as to give cities adequate funding and sufficient powers. Divisions between urban and rural areas should not be deepened, and social conflicts should not be exacerbated. Public funds should be used preferentially to support existing networks, especially those of small and medium-sized cities; such cities should be involved above all in the shaping of labour mobility and migration and in the reception of refugees. Philanthropic funding of cities and city net­works can also be helpful in harnessing the potential of municipal actors. (author's abstract)

While a second Trump Presidency would be challenging for transatlantic ties, US nuclear assurances to its NATO allies in Europe would likely be the last casualty - not the first - of a fraying relationship. There is an intrinsic incompatibility between the United States completely abandoning its role as global actor, which would be the prerequisite for the withdrawal of such assurances, and Trump's domestic interests. It cannot be denied that the worst-case scenario - namely, the end of extended nu­clear deterrence - is possible and requires careful contingency planning on the part of the allies; but it is highly unlikely and should not distract from addressing the more prob­able outcome. Even in the best-case scenario of a Trump II administration resembling his first term, US nuclear assurances are likely to become less credible. To allay con­cerns, German and European policymakers should work with their US counterparts before and after the November 2024 election to strengthen transatlantic diplomatic coordination, conventional deterrence and defence, as well as nuclear options. (author's abstract)

Im September 2017 hat die EU ihre Strategie zur Cybersicherheit aus dem Jahr 2013 aktualisiert. Damit soll Europas kritische Infrastruktur besser geschützt und die digitale Selbstbehauptung gegenüber anderen Weltregionen befördert werden. Doch die erneuerte Strategie lässt Fragen offen, wenn es darum geht, die selbstgesetzten Ziele eines "offenen, freien und sicheren Cyberraums" nach innen wie außen glaubhaft zu vertreten. Weder formuliert die EU eine klare Definition von Widerstandskraft und Abschreckung, noch wird deutlich genug, wie die institutionelle Fragmentierung und rechtliche Unverbindlichkeit in Cybersicherheitsfragen auf EU-Ebene überwunden werden sollen. Zudem bleiben kontroverse Themen ausgespart, wie die Harmonisierung des Strafrechts oder die Nutzung von Verschlüsselung. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten ihre nationalen Alleingänge aufgeben und die gesetzliche Regulierung zur Cybersicherheit auf Ebene der Union beschleunigen. (Autorenreferat)

Security policy White Papers perform several functions. They serve to inform the German Bundestag and the German public, outline the Federal Government's security policy priorities with other countries, especially Germany's most important partners, and assist communication within the Bundeswehr. The White Paper 2016 is the first of its kind since 2006 and upholds this tradition. Its authors seek to redefine Germany's current and future security policy based on events and developments such as the global financial crisis, financial turmoil in the euro area, the suspension of conscription in Germany, upheavals in the Middle East and Russia's annexation of the Crimea. The Federal Government aims to inform the public and its allies in NATO and the EU precisely what the intentions of its security policy are. However, the contours of the Bundeswehr itself and its future remain blurred. The White Paper process, as it is known, was founded on the expectation of being able to openly and publicly discuss all aspects of defence policy. In continuing this process, it is now important to highlight security policy successes, to recognise deficits, to specify action plans and to propose any follow-up work that may be required. (author's abstract)

In December 2020, the European Union (EU) presented its new strategy on cybersecurity with the aim of strengthening Europe's technological and digital sovereignty. The document lists reform projects that will link cybersecurity more closely with the EU's new rules on data, algorithms, markets, and Internet services. However, it clearly falls short of the development of a European cyber diplomacy that is committed to both "strategic openness" and the protection of the digital single market. In order to achieve this, EU cyber diplomacy should be made more coherent in its supranational, demo­cratic, and economic/technological dimensions. Germany can make an important con­tribution to that by providing the necessary legal, technical, and financial resources for the European External Action Service (EEAS). (Autorenreferat)

The events taking place in the Middle East now attract interest in the history of international relations in this region. The memorandum published by the author from the collections of The National Archives of the United Kingdom (TNA) gives an opportunity to see the complexity and variety of relations between the states of the Arab East at the turn of the 1920s - 1930s. The content of the memorandum also makes it possible to understand the policy objectives of the British government with regard to the Arab countries of the Middle East in this period. ; События, происходящие на Ближнем Востоке в настоящее время, привлекают интерес к истории международных отношений в этом регионе. Публикуемый автором меморандум из фондов Национального архива Великобритании дает возможность увидеть сложность и многообразие отношений между государствами Арабского Востока на рубеже 1920-х - 1930-х гг. Содержание меморандума позволяет также понять цели политики британского правительства в отношении арабских стран Ближнего Востока в указанный период.

This article is aimed at analyzing Mexico's attempts to overcome the obstacles that the new international context, shaped by the end of World War II (WWII) and the beginning of the Cold War, posed for the country's economic development plans. Drawing largely on new Mexican primary sources along with American, British, and multilateral organizations' documents, this work will focus on the strategy that the Miguel Alemán administration (1946-1952) designed in order to adapt to the adverse conditions that the bipolar conflict generated for Latin America's industrial developmental projects. This article will show that in spite of the adverse setting, the Alemán government was able to create and launch an ambitious plan for economic industrialization that implemented developmental measures on a large scale. In addition, this work will also show that a crucial ingredient for the initial success of Mexico's economic strategy was the country's capacity to attract economic aid and political support from Washington. Paradoxically, this happened at a time when the United States' (US) economic and political backing of Latin American developmental projects had become a scarce currency in the Western Hemisphere. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar los intentos de México para superar los obstáculos que el nuevo contexto internacional, dibujado por el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y por el comienzo de la Guerra Fría, planteó para los planes de desarrollo económico del país. Basado en gran parte sobre nuevas fuentes documentales mexicanas, además de estadounidenses, británicas y de organizaciones internacionales multilaterales, este trabajo se centra en la estrategia que la administración de Miguel Alemán (1946-1952) puso en marcha para adaptarse a las condiciones adversas que el conflicto bipolar generó para los proyectos de desarrollo industrial de América Latina. Este artículo muestra que, a pesar del escenario adverso, la administración de Alemán fue capaz de elaborar y lanzar un ambicioso plan de industrialización que supuso la adopción de medidas de corte desarrollista a gran escala. Además, este trabajo mostrará que un ingrediente crucial para el éxito inicial de la estrategia económica mexicana, fue la capacidad del país de atraer ayuda económica y política por parte de Estados Unidos. Paradójicamente, esto ocurrió en un momento en que Estados Unidos se había mostrado crecientemente reacio a apoyar políticamente y económicamente los proyectos desarrollistas en América Latina.