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"Cuba in an Age of Economic Reform" published on by Oxford University Press.

International audience ; The denunciation of 'Ottoman abominations' in the British Liberal female discourse (1875-1896), or the question of feminist agitation.'Ottoman abominations' were frequent headline news in the Victorian press, especially in Liberal newspapers and periodicals, in particular at the time of the 'Bulgarian atrocities' (1876) and the 'Armenian massacres' (1894-1896) mostly committed by Ottoman irregulars against Ottomans Christians. Whereas the Liberal press coverage of the 'Bulgarian atrocities' has received due attention – especially in the wake of David Harris's Britain and the Bulgarian Horrors of 1876 (1939) –, that of the 'Armenian massacres' has been relatively neglected. Secondary literature has largely overlooked their coverage in the female press, to the notable exception of a chapter by Anne Summers in David Feldman and Jon Lawrence's recent Structures and Transformations in Modern British History (Cambridge, CUP, 2011). And yet, Liberal women too, such as Millicent Fawcett, did join in the Liberal outcry against such 'abominations', both in 1876 and some twenty years later. However, the endorsement of the cause of Ottoman Christians, in particular of women, by British (Liberal) women is not simply a matter of political alignment to strengthen the hands of Liberal governments, or of support to sympathising husbands and agitators. Rather, that British Liberal women should care at all for other women in foreign, remote, fairly little known Ottoman provinces is striking in itself and should be looked into. As a matter of fact, by trying to answer the questions of who these British women who cared for their Bulgarian and Armenian 'sisters' were, what rhetorical strategies and channels they used and why they ultimately did so, this article will show that the campaign in favour of Ottoman Christian women was closely interwoven with their own struggle back at home for more rights. ; A la fin du dix-neuvième siècle, les journaux et périodiques britanniques, surtout proches du Parti libéral, titraient fréquemment sur les « abominations ottomanes », c'est-à-dire sur des exactions commises par des Ottomans, en particulier par des soldats irréguliers, à l'encontre des chrétiens de cet Empire. Ce fut le cas en particulier à l'occasion des « atrocités bulgares » de 1876 et des « massacres arméniens » des années 1894-6. Tandis que la couverture journalistique de ce premier épisode a fait l'objet de très nombreuses études, inspirées par la publication pionnière de David Harris en 1939 (Britain and the Bulgarian Horrors of 1876), celle de la crise arménienne demeure à ce jour encore relativement mal connue. La couverture de ces deux épisodes dans la presse féminine, ou même au travers d'opuscules rédigés par des femmes l'est tout autant, en dépit d'un récent chapitre d'Anne Summers sur l'internationalisme des femmes dans l'ouvrage collectif coordonné par David Feldman et Jon Lawrence Structures and Transformations in Modern British History (Cambridge, CUP, 2011). Or, l'intérêt de femmes libérales en politique, par ailleurs engagées au Royaume-Uni pour la lutte pour les droits des femmes, pour le sort des chrétiens ottomans, et notamment des femmes, est indéniable sur la période 1875-1896. Il pose également de très nombreuses questions – notamment sur les raisons et les formes d'expression de cet intérêt, ou sur la nature du lien établi avec ces femmes chrétiennes étrangères (c'est-à-dire hors l'Empire britannique) – auxquelles cet article tentera de répondre.

International audience ; The denunciation of 'Ottoman abominations' in the British Liberal female discourse (1875-1896), or the question of feminist agitation.'Ottoman abominations' were frequent headline news in the Victorian press, especially in Liberal newspapers and periodicals, in particular at the time of the 'Bulgarian atrocities' (1876) and the 'Armenian massacres' (1894-1896) mostly committed by Ottoman irregulars against Ottomans Christians. Whereas the Liberal press coverage of the 'Bulgarian atrocities' has received due attention – especially in the wake of David Harris's Britain and the Bulgarian Horrors of 1876 (1939) –, that of the 'Armenian massacres' has been relatively neglected. Secondary literature has largely overlooked their coverage in the female press, to the notable exception of a chapter by Anne Summers in David Feldman and Jon Lawrence's recent Structures and Transformations in Modern British History (Cambridge, CUP, 2011). And yet, Liberal women too, such as Millicent Fawcett, did join in the Liberal outcry against such 'abominations', both in 1876 and some twenty years later. However, the endorsement of the cause of Ottoman Christians, in particular of women, by British (Liberal) women is not simply a matter of political alignment to strengthen the hands of Liberal governments, or of support to sympathising husbands and agitators. Rather, that British Liberal women should care at all for other women in foreign, remote, fairly little known Ottoman provinces is striking in itself and should be looked into. As a matter of fact, by trying to answer the questions of who these British women who cared for their Bulgarian and Armenian 'sisters' were, what rhetorical strategies and channels they used and why they ultimately did so, this article will show that the campaign in favour of Ottoman Christian women was closely interwoven with their own struggle back at home for more rights. ; A la fin du dix-neuvième siècle, les journaux et périodiques britanniques, surtout proches du Parti libéral, ...

International audience ; From the 1830s, interest in what was broadly called 'the East' gathered momentum in Britain. Political events (especially the reopening of the Eastern Question), as well as the development of Orientalism provided the background for the popularisation of 'the Eastern Tour', which covered various parts of the Ottoman Empire (from Greece before its independence to Northern Africa and Egypt and the Holy Land). From then on, travelogues publication about ancient sites in Syria, Egypt and the Holy Land surged. But it was also the development of modern Egyptology, numerous findings during excavation campaigns and the display of the Rosetta stone at the British Museum since 1802, which made the land of Egypt, and especially its pyramids, the frequent subject of several magic lantern slide shows from the 1870s as well as of photographic projects from the 1860s. It is in this context that pyramidology took off, first under the aegis of John Taylor (The Great Pyramid: Why Was it Built? And Who Built It?, 1859) and then of Charles Piazzi Smyth. Pyramidology argued that the Great Pyramid had been built for the Lord and that its measures foretold the future of the British Empire, which was perceived as the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel. Smyth, a staunch British Israelite, developed his own Great Pyramid theory from photographs he made of the monument in 1864-1865 and gave two lectures to the Edinburgh Photographic Society in which he explained the importance of the pyramid inch to reveal mystical prophecies of the dates of events in the history of the British Empire, and finally of the Millennium. But it is with the reopening of the Eastern Question and with the purchase of the Suez Canal shares by the British Government, both in 1875, that Piazzi Smyth's theory acquired a new dimension: timeliness. Indeed, two key Ancient Testament loci, Egypt, together with Palestine were the focuses of British Israelism, but also of contemporary political events. Thanks to its organ (Israel's Identity Standard which was replaced in 1877 by the Banner of Israel), British Israelite associations, which spread all over Britain, but especially around Birmingham and in North England, could propagate its views amongst 'the masses'. This chapter argues that visual tools were key in constructing a particular understanding of Egypt, especially of the Pyramids, for British Israelite advocates. To prove this, it will be necessary to look at the way photography was used as a scientific truth disclosing device by British Israelites to recreate Egypt as a Biblical locus at a time when visual documents became more readily accessible. It will also be necessary to analyse Pyramidology rhetoric, which contended that a major change was to happen in 1881, to assess its general impact, especially in 1882 (the bombardment of Alexandria), in 1885 (the death of General Gordon) and 1898 (the battle of Ondurman), both for the masses and in intellectual circles.

International audience ; From the 1830s, interest in what was broadly called 'the East' gathered momentum in Britain. Political events (especially the reopening of the Eastern Question), as well as the development of Orientalism provided the background for the popularisation of 'the Eastern Tour', which covered various parts of the Ottoman Empire (from Greece before its independence to Northern Africa and Egypt and the Holy Land). From then on, travelogues publication about ancient sites in Syria, Egypt and the Holy Land surged. But it was also the development of modern Egyptology, numerous findings during excavation campaigns and the display of the Rosetta stone at the British Museum since 1802, which made the land of Egypt, and especially its pyramids, the frequent subject of several magic lantern slide shows from the 1870s as well as of photographic projects from the 1860s. It is in this context that pyramidology took off, first under the aegis of John Taylor (The Great Pyramid: Why Was it Built? And Who Built It?, 1859) and then of Charles Piazzi Smyth. Pyramidology argued that the Great Pyramid had been built for the Lord and that its measures foretold the future of the British Empire, which was perceived as the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel. Smyth, a staunch British Israelite, developed his own Great Pyramid theory from photographs he made of the monument in 1864-1865 and gave two lectures to the Edinburgh Photographic Society in which he explained the importance of the pyramid inch to reveal mystical prophecies of the dates of events in the history of the British Empire, and finally of the Millennium. But it is with the reopening of the Eastern Question and with the purchase of the Suez Canal shares by the British Government, both in 1875, that Piazzi Smyth's theory acquired a new dimension: timeliness. Indeed, two key Ancient Testament loci, Egypt, together with Palestine were the focuses of British Israelism, but also of contemporary political events. Thanks to its organ (Israel's Identity Standard which ...