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SummaryThe present paper examines the association between the type of household and maternal health in India using data from the National Family Health Survey 1998–99. The indicators of maternal health used in the analysis are contraceptive use, visit to obtain antenatal care in the first trimester, safe delivery and nutritional status of women measured in terms of body mass index (BMI). Binary and multinomial logistic regressions are used to establish associations. The type of household is coded into three categories, viz. nuclear household, joint household with in-laws and joint household without in-laws. The other independent variables used in the analysis are age, children ever born, work status, education of women, religion, caste, standard of living, exposure to mass media, women's autonomy and presence of others at the time of interview. The findings clearly suggest that type of household is significantly associated with the utilization of the above-mentioned services that positively affect maternal health. Women in nuclear households are more likely to utilize these services compared with women in joint households. However, an association between type of household and BMI was not found.

The propriety of various public-opinion-driven analyses of democracy & the desirability of democratic alternatives are discussed in an introduction to this journal issue (see abstracts of related articles). Over the past 6 years, the election of Bill Clinton as US president, the 1994 Congressional elections, & a range of public opinion polls have made claims of a conservative or liberal shift in public ideology. It is argued here that opinion polls & election results may not represent broad shifts in ideological alignment, & a number of studies are cited highlighting the problems with contemporary democracy: mass ignorance regarding issues & political structures, the potential for voting based on demographic &/or personal perferences, & the influence of mass media campaigns. Although the elite strata that hold the majority of political power may be more politically informed, they are generally bound to unquestioned party ideologies which undermine transformative & informed democracy. However, the alternatives to modern democracy & centralized power are also dangerous: market-oriented politics are bound to recreate & possibly exacerbate the inequality of present power structures, & a return to a consensual form of community government is no longer possible. 11 References. T. Sevier

THE POLITICAL TRIAL IS FREQUENTLY RESORTED TO BY REGIMES seeking to establish or reaffirm their legitimacy. Almost by definition the opposition is the target of such trials for it has questioned or challenged the incumbent regime's right to rule. The trial, when successfully engineered, reveals the opposition as not simply misguided, but as subversive, treasonous, and, in the case of the monarchies, sacrilegious. The condemnation of all or part of the opposition for sins towards God and country emphasizes the objective validity and immutability of the regime's tenets, the components of its charter myth.Such trials have several functions, but three stand out among them. First, one may consider the propagandistic, mass communication function. The trial itself becomes the scene for the definition, re-affirmation, and manipulation of the regime's symbols and credos. Official doctrine is hammered home to the society as a whole, under highly dramatic circumstances inherent in the trial process. The unfolding of the drama often evokes far greater public interest and concern than the routine propaganda efforts of the controlled mass media.

The purpose of this article is to determine the information line of the mass media during the month of October 2017, after the regional elections in Venezuela. The theoretical contributions that served as support correspond to Cohen (1963), Rodríguez (2004), Wolf (1987), Martinez Albertos (1983), among others. The research was conducted at the Faculty of Social Communication of the Catholic University Cecilio Acosta, in Maracaibo, Zulia state; It was of a descriptive type with a mixed design (field and documentary). The population was conformed by 145 announcements of the newspaper Panorama, 254 news of "El Noticiero" of Televen and 143 publications (tweets) of the @ElUniversal account. Media monitoring and direct observation of the news was carried out; The measurement was made with a data collection form that was subsequently tabulated through descriptive statistics. Among the results, it stands out that politics predominates as a topic, with little, repetitive and little relevant information about other sources. It is concluded that the media align with the polarization of Venezuelan society, setting the tone of the public agenda and using only information with little and / or no realization of opinion and interpretative genres. ; El propósito de este artículo es determinar la línea informativa de los medios de difusión masiva durante el mes de octubre de 2017, período posterior a las elecciones regionales en Venezuela. Los aportes teóricos corresponden a Cohen (1963), Rodríguez (2004), Wolf (1987), Martínez Albertos (1983), entre otros. La investigación se realizó en la Facultad de Comunicación Social de la Universidad Católica Cecilio Acosta, en Maracaibo, estado Zulia; fue de tipo descriptivo con diseño mixto (de campo y documental). La población estuvo conformada por 145 anuncios del diario Panorama, 254 noticias de "El Noticiero" de Televen y 143 publicaciones (tweets) de la cuenta @ElUniversal. Se realizó un monitoreo a los medios y una observación directa de las noticias; la medición se realizó con una ficha de recolección de datos y posteriormente fue tabulada a través de la estadística descriptiva. Entre los resultados destaca el predominio de la política como temática, con escasa, repetitiva y poco relevante información sobre otras fuentes. Se concluye que los medios se alinean con la polarización de la sociedad venezolana, marcando la pauta de la agenda pública y valiéndose sólo de la información con poca y/o nula realización de géneros de opinión e interpretativos.

Some of the contemporary theories of the mass media and political communications teach their audiences and mold public ideas about events or phenomena which political forces exploit for their own ends. The media do not merely cover events or describe phenomena-they cover them with "outgrowths" that disfigure them to the extent that the public gradually shifts from discussing the real phenomenon to its virtual likeness, which might well be a product of media skills. This explains why from time to time the public concentrates on phantoms at the expense of real and even urgent issues, which remain uncovered and therefore ignored. The agenda-setting theory postulates: "We judge as important what the media judge as important." Significantly, according to the agenda-setting theory the media determines not merely what the public would think but also the objects of its deliberations: "The press may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about." 3 This is true when applied to the press; the electronic media-TV and the Internet-have gone even further. They not merely suggest what people should think about-they tell them what they should think, how to treat the events, and what terms should be applied. This creates a gap between the objective meanings of any social-political phenomenon and its subjective treatment in the media and public consciousness. The range of instruments the media use to manipulate public opinion and mobilize human resources in the interests of national and global policies are few: shifted accents, substitution of one phenomenon for another, overstatements, building up public tension to fix public attention on a certain side of the described phenomenon, emotional descriptions of the phenomenon, and overstating some of its sides at the expense of others.

During the 2014 presidential election in Indonesia two diametrically opposed candidates appeared to abide by an informal set of rules whereby neither challenged the other's integrity in public. Privately, however, campaign advisors devised ways to attack their opponents, primarily by using media contacts to spread rumors and allegations. As a result, the 2014 presidential race in the world's third largest democracy was the most negative and polarizing since the fall of Suharto's authoritarian regime in 1998. The Obor Rakyat media scandal, a major political event in 2014 that remains understudied, represented a new manifestation of rumor politics and smear campaigning aimed at President Jokowi, widely hailed as a novel reformist politician because of his relatively clean record and lack of direct association with the Indonesian political establishment. In particular, the Obor Rakyat reports made three serious allegations against Jokowi: that he is a bad Muslim, that he is a puppet president, and that he is in the pocket of Chinese financiers known as cukong. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

IN RECENT YEARS MUCH ATTENTIONHAS BEEN FOCUSD BOTH IN THE POPULAR MEDIA AND AMONG POLITICAL SCIENTISTS ON THE GROWING SCOPE OF PRESIDENTIAL POER. EXAMINES RECENT ANALYSES OF THE FUNCTIONING OF THE PRESIDENCY AND CONCLUDES THAT THERE IS FAIRLY WIDESPREAD AGREEMENT THAT THIS WIDESPREAD GROWTH IN PRESIDENTIAL POWER IS NOT INEVITABLE NOR IS IT DESIRABLE FOR THE FUNCITIONING OF DEMOCRACY.

Decision-making by elected executives on disaster policy reflects comprehensive vulnerability management, political responsiveness to the media, political negotiation, and intergovernmental conflict. If vulnerability reduction is a significant influence, executive decisions should reflect political and social vulnerability and self-sufficiency. If political responsiveness influences disaster decisions, executive decisions should also reflect media coverage, proximity to elections, and decisions at other levels of government. The data set included 293 major disaster requests between 1974 and 1981. The analysis used multiple regression and logistic regression. Vulnerability reduction had an impact on aid decisions. Political responsiveness affected most decisions on disaster relief. The Ford administration was more sensitive to both responsiveness and vulnerability than the Carter administration. Overall, nationalization of disaster assistance has made the achievement of vulnerability management more difficult. The absence of minimum criteria has increased the discretion of executive choice.

From campaigning for politicians, to speaking out on political issues, to running for public office, celebrities around the world have long played an active role in politics. Their presence in the public sphere often helps them make this leap, but is the fact that we recognize their names and faces enough to make them trustworthy political figures? The diverse viewpoints in this volume explore what role celebrities should play in politics, discuss the phenomenon of making the transition from celebrity to politician, and investigate the place of contemporary media culture in this pattern.

Aims: This study aims to determine the Indonesian Government's mitigation efforts in dealing with climate change, especially in the marine and fisheries sector.
Study Design: Literature study model.
Place and Duration of Study: Yogyakarta, Indonesia; 2020-2021.
Methodology: This study method utilized a qualitative approach with a literature study model. Sixty scientific national and international journals, online mass media, and legislations were collected. Data sources were used to explain the mitigation policy analysis of climate change in the marine and fisheries sector. The study stages started from article searching, theme classification, literature mapping based on discussions of various scientific journals, books, and online mass media with different orientations, data analysis, interpretation, and data presentation.
Results: The results of the study reveal that the impact of climate change on the marine and fisheries sector is very significant so that the Indonesian government establishes various policies, undertakes mitigation efforts to strengthen its identity as a maritime country, eradicates illegal, unreported, unregulated (IUU) fishing, imposes a moratorium on ex-foreign ships, accelerates the growth of national economy, enhance food sovereignty and promote the development of maritime and marine economies. However, there are still problems in implementing policies, so it is necessary to improve the management system for climate change countermeasures in the marine and fisheries sector in Indonesia.
Conclusion: Mitigation strategies in the marine and fisheries sector in Indonesia that can be implemented include applying sustainable aquaculture management practices suitable for carrying capacity and developing an integrated cultivation system. Various climate change mitigation policies in the marine and fisheries sector of the Government of Indonesia are commendable given many recognized successes, but there are still many problems with policy implementation. Ineffective application of policies is due to the government's focus on tackling climate change based on forestry and energy sectors, weak application of laws, and other problems. There is still a need for improvement in the management system for climate change countermeasures in Indonesia's marine and fisheries sector.

Abstract In Argentina, since August 2013, a metaphorical use of the word grieta has been circulating to designate an alleged process of political, social and ideological polarization. Brought into public circulation by political journalism, the word found means for reproduction and amplification (Fairclough, 2003) in those discursive practices. In this work we trace it´s presence in two mass media with opposite ideological orientations (Borrat 1989), we describe it´s meanings and contexts of appearance while at the same time, we seek to explain the genesis for it´s metaphorical use (Lakoff and Johnson 1980), it´s discursive operating (Hart 2014) and the consequences that it has regarding the ways of representing the social and the political. Keywords: Mass media discourse. Ideological variation. Discursive metaphor. Polarization. ; En Argentina, desde agosto de 2013 circula un uso metafórico de la forma grieta para designar un supuesto proceso de polarización política, social e ideológica. Puesta en circulación desde el periodismo político, encontró en sus prácticas discursivas un medio de reproducción y amplificación (Fairclough, 2003). En este trabajo rastreamos su presencia en dos medios de orientaciones ideológicas opuestas (Borrat, 1989), describimos sus sentidos y contextos de aparición a la vez que buscamos explicar la génesis de esta metáfora (Lakoff y Johnson, 1980), su funcionamiento discursivo (Hart 2014) y las consecuencias que su uso tiene respecto de los modos de representar lo social y lo político. Palabras clave: Discurso periodístico. Variación ideológica. Metáfora discursiva. Polarización ; Resumo Na Argentina, desde agosto de 2013, circula um uso metafórico da forma grieta para designar um suposto processo de polarização política, social e ideológica. Colocado em circulação a partir do jornalismo político, ele encontrou em suas práticas discursivas um meio de reprodução e amplificação (Fairclough 2003). Neste trabalho, traçamos sua presença em duas mídias de orientações ideológicas opostas (Borrat 1989), descrevemos seus significados e contextos de aparência enquanto procuramos explicar a gênese dessa metáfora (Lakoff e Johnson 1980), seu funcionamento discursivo (Hart 2014) e as consequências que seu uso tem sobre as formas de representar o social e o político. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Discurso jornalístico. Variação ideológica. Metáfora discursiva. Polarização.

This article identifies the specificity of the internal image of the National Guard of Ukraine based on the conducted empirical study – survey of the military personnel by means of an on-line questionnaire with regard to the essence and components of the internal image of this security agency. The internal image of the National Guard of Ukraine is positive, characterized by the absence of a conflict between the personality's values and those of the structure; the interest of the servicemen in the information regarding the National Guard of Ukraine in mass-media and social networks; sound relations of the servicemen with their nearest commanders; and the minimal support they hold for the reforms carried out by the leadership of the National Guard of Ukraine. Female servicemen are more satisfied with the service and consider it prestigious. Contracted servicemen and young officers require special attention of the Leadership of the National Guard of Ukraine, since there are many servicemen in these categories who are not satisfied with the service and do not plan to sign the next contract. The obtained results of the survey indicate the relevance of purposeful work in the field of strategic communication of the National Guard of Ukraine, which requires that professionals select and present facts / messages, using all the possibilities of modern information channels in all communication domains: the public, mass media, authorities, other security agencies, foreign partners, personnel of the National Guard of Ukraine. It is proven necessary to conduct purposeful strategic communication activity on positive image formation, both external and internal, which should be stated by the Concept of strategic communication of the National Guard of Ukraine. ; Окреслено особливості внутрішнього іміджу Національної гвардії України на основі проведеного емпіричного дослідження – опитування військовослужбовців шляхом он-лайн анкетування з урахуванням сутності та компонентів внутрішнього іміджу цієї силової структури. Наголошено на необхідності цілеспрямованої роботи у царині стратегічних комунікацій щодо формування позитивного іміджу – як зовнішнього, так і внутрішнього, що має бути визначеним концепцією стратегічних комунікацій Національної гвардії України.

Due to the genetic proximity of the Russian and Polish languages may seem, that political terms of both discussed languages overlap. Actively complementing the political thesaurus of vernacular with the using of different normative and individual word formation. Contemporary communication is filled, above all, with the language of politics. Therefore, political lexis is made available to all carrier for vernacular. Specialist vocabulary is used, above all, by experts and analysts. Mass media play important role in this process, constituting an effective mechanism of impact on social consciousness. See all the similarities and differences between political terms in Russian and Polish by lexical material and analyzing specific terms. The study's validity is a poorly developed comparative analysis of Russian and Polish political terminology. The Russian and Polish lexis of the Proto-Slavic origin, in which the meanings were changing, as well as common concepts, which represent different origins with words. The material studied is called political processes, institutions and people. The terminology was collected from Russian-Polish lexicography and mass media texts. ; На первый взгляд, по причине генетической близости русского и польского языков, кажется, что лексические единицы политической речи в этих языках часто совпадают. Активно идет пополнение политического тезауруса национальных языков с применением различных нормативных и индивидуальных средств словообразования. Современное общественное коммуникативное пространство в своем объеме представляет, прежде всего, язык политики. Поэтому политическая лексика становится доступной для всех носителей национального языка, при этом термины, представленные в более узких направлениях, используют прежде всего эксперты-аналитики. Весомую роль в этом процессе играют средства массовой информации, представляющие собой эффективный механизм воздействия на общественное сознание. Увидеть все сходства и различия между политической терминологией в обоих языках можно, собирая лексический материал и анализируя конкретные термины. Актуальность исследования заключается в недостаточно разработанном сравнительно-сопоставительном анализе общеславянской русской и польской политической терминологии, анализируется русская и польская политологическая лексика общеславянского происхождения, которая претерпела семантические расхождения, а также политологические понятия, которые передаются разными по происхождению словами. Исследуемой материал представляет лексические единицы, называющие политические действия, учреждения и лица. Практический материал был собран из русско-польской лексикографии и текстов СМИ.