Suchergebnisse

В этой книге известный американский социолог и политолог Джек Голдстоун пытается найти объяснение превращению Европы в XIX веке из периферийного и относительно отсталого региона в территорию, где создавались величайшие инновации, богатства и сильная власть. Как и почему это произошло? Было ли возвышение Запада продуктом какой-то уникальной особенности европейской жизни? Стало ли оно следствием изменений во взаимоотношениях Европы с остальным миром? Как сильно данное преображение отличалось от других периодов расцвета в истории человечества? Немногие историки способны ответить на подобные вопросы лучше Джека Голдстоуна, занимавшегося ими на протяжении нескольких десятилетий. В своей работе, опираясь на самые последние исследования в данной области, он представляет вниманию широкой аудитории зрелые размышления, изложенные доступным для каждого языком. Журнал «Экономическая социология» публикует фрагмент — «Заключение. Возвышение Запада: это временно?» («Conclusion. The Rise of the West: A Temporary Phase?») — книги Джека Голдстуна «Почему Европа? Возвышение Запада в мировой истории, 1500–1850» («Why Europe? The Rise of the West in World History, 1500–1850»). Автор выделяет шесть факторов, сочетание которых, по его мнению, способствовало успеху европейских государств. Джек Голдстоун также рассматривает основы современного экономического роста, обусловленные процессом накопления достижений в условиях мирового развития. Ко всему прочему, автор приводит причины, воспрепятствовавшие распространению экономического расцвета за пределами западного мира. К ним относится отсутствие научного образования и потенциала для развития предпринимательства. И, наконец, автор пытается заглянуть в будущее и предсказать возможности мирового прогресса на ближайшие десятилетия. ; In his book "Why Europe? The Rise of the West in World History, 1500–1850", famous sociologist and political scientist Jack Goldstone explores how Europe managed to get from a peripheral and lagging district into the area with great innovations, wealth and mighty power. What were the reasons for that? Was the springtime of Europe generated from its unique life course? Was it caused by changes in relationships between Europe and the rest of the world? How dissimilar was this transformation to other golden ages of human history? There are not so many historians who can offer better answers to the above issues than Jack Goldstone, who has studied them for several decades. In his book, he relies on recent research findings in the field and presents the worldwide audience fundamental arguments written in plain language. The journal "Economic Sociology" publishes an excerpt Jack Goldstone's book — "Conclusion. The Rise of the West: A Temporary Phase?", where the author singles out six factors and argues that their specific combination produced the Europe's success. Alongside this Goldstone considers backgrounds for modern economic growth formed by accumulation of technical and economic achievements under conditions of the world competition. Moreover, the author offers the primary reasons why economic growth did not spill over into more nations; they include lack of scientific background and entrepreneurial opportunity. Finally, Goldstone tries to read the nearest future and to indicate the potential for the world progress in the coming decades.

Актуальность вопроса об установлении регулярных контактов между правительством США и руководством китайской компартии во время второй мировой войны определяется местом возглавляемого коммунистами Китая в современном мире, его возрастающей ролью в международной политике, фактическим превращением этой страны после распада СССР во вторую глобальную сверхдержаву. Цель работы заключается в том, чтобы с опорой на принцип историзма путём углублённого анализа доступных в настоящее время источников по данной теме проследить эволюцию подходов американских правящих кругов к проблеме сотрудничества с КПК, возможной организации взаимодействия, в т. ч. военного, между Соединёнными Штатами и китайскими коммунистами для отпора японской агрессии и создания коалиционного правительства в Китае ради предотвращения гражданской войны и возможного вмешательства СССР во внутрикитайский конфликт. Выявлено наличие комплекса противоречий между политикой правительства Чан Кайши, объективно направленной на укрепление Китая и усиление его роли в международной политике, и линией администрации Ф. Рузвельта, нацеленной на превращение гоминдановского Китая в инструмент американской политики в Азии, недостаточность имеющихся в распоряжении руководства США инструментов воздействия на китайские верхи. Результатом явилось противодействие правительства Чан Кайши усилиям правящих кругов США, связанное с нежеланием верхов гоминдана идти на уступки политическим противникам и допускать в какой-либо форме иностранное вмешательство во внутренние дела Китая, в качестве чего рассматривались усилия американцев по установлению связей с КПК.Relevance of the question of establishing regular contacts between the U.S. government and the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) during the Second World War is determined by the role of Communist-led China in the modern world, its growing importance in international politics, by actual transformation of this nation into a second global superpower. The purpose of the study is to trace, relying on the principle of historicism and the in-depth analysis of currently available sources, the subject of the evolution of the American approach to the issue of cooperation with the CPC including military interaction between the United States and the Chinese Communists in order to resist the Japanese invasion, prevent civil war and the possible Soviet intervention into Chinese internal political conflict. The result reveals the presence of the complex contradictions between the policies of the Chiang Kai-shek government, aimed at China strengthening and enhancement of its role in international politics, and the line of the Roosevelt administration aimed at making Kuomintang-controlled China the precision instrument of the American policy in Asia, as well as the lack of available instrument of pressure of the U.S. government on Chinese political establishment. The consequence was the opposition of the Chiang Kai-shek government to the American efforts caused by reluctance of the upper circles of the Kuomintang to make any concessions to their political opponents and the determination to prevent any form of foreign interference into Chinese home affairs; American efforts to establish ties with the CPC were considered as such interference.

Одной из главных тенденций последних лет является смещение центра глобального экономического развития в Азиатско-Тихоокеанский регион (АТР). Соответственно возрастает значимость региона и в мировой политике. Отсюда – повышенный интерес к происходящим здесь интеграционным процессам. Вопрос относительно того, является ли Ассоциация стран Юго-Восточной Азии (АСЕАН) эффективной организацией, давно является предметом споров специалистов-международников. Однозначно определить роль АСЕАН в мировой политике и экономике весьма сложно. В академическом сообществе в последние годы идет оживленная дискуссия о том, как анализировать международные отношения и региональную специфику Юго-Восточной Азии. Тем не менее вопросы методологии изучения международных организаций Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона пока не получили широкого освещения как в отечественной, так и в зарубежной научной литературе. В связи с этим сравнительный анализ теоретических подходов к изучению АСЕАН, одной из наиболее влиятельных организаций в АТР, представляется актуальным.В данной статье проанализированы основные теоретические подходы к изучению международных отношений в Юго-Восточной Азии. Большинство исследователей все же склоняются к мнению, что изучение данного региона не должно проводиться с точки зрения какой-либо одной теории или общепризнанной парадигмы, например реализма или конструктивизма. По мнению автора, в академической среде и дальше будет наблюдаться плюрализм методологических подходов к изучению АСЕАН. Проведенный анализ показывает, что именно вследствие различных теоретических предпосылок в научном сообществе отсутствует единое мнение относительно эффективности АСЕАН как организации. Однако теоретический плюрализм является наиболее продуктивной тенденцией, поскольку способствует объективному анализу современных международных отношений. ; One of the main trends in the recent years has been the shift of global economic development to the Asia-Pacific Region (APR). Consequently, the political importance of the region has increased greatly. The integration processes taking place in the region attract the attention of many researchers. Whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is an effective organization or not has been a matter of dispute among international affairs experts for a long time. The ASEAN's place in the world politics and economy does not render itself to an easy assessment. In the academic community there is a lively debate about how to analyze the international relations in East and Southeast Asia. Methodological questions of studying the international organizations in the Asia-Pacific region have not yet received much coverage either in Russian and foreign literature. In this regard, a comparative analysis of the theoretical approaches to the study of ASEAN, one of the most influential organizations in the Asia-Pacific region, is very important. This article explores the main theoretical approaches to the study of international relations in Southeast Asia. Most researchers tend to believe that the study of the region should not be carried out within one theory or generally accepted paradigm such as realism or constructivism. The presented analysis highlights that the abundance of the different theoretical frameworks complicates achievement of consensus on the effectiveness of ASEAN as an organization between the researchers. However, theoretical pluralism is the most productive approach since it contributes to the objective analysis of contemporary international relations.

Рассматривается внешнеполитический курс и политика Германии как одного из ведущих государств членов Европейского союза под руководством кабинета правительства Меркель с 2005 г. в регионе Латинская Америка, на примере Мексиканских Соединенных Штатов. В условиях глобализации при Меркель Германия активизировала связи во всем мире, что нашло отражение в официальных документах Федерального министерства иностранных дел, а также Министерства обороны Германии. Сегодня в регионе Латинская Америка развернулась борьба между ведущими экономическими силами США, ЕС и АТР. ; It is not an exaggeration to say that modern Germany is one of the leaders of the European Union. After the unification, it has become a political power not only at the European, but also at the world scene. Mexico is an industrial and agricultural country, one of the most developed in Latin America. Germany and Latin America, Mexico in particular, have close historical, political, economic and cultural ties. Before the outbreak of World War II the policy of the governments of South American Nations promoted immigration of Europeans to South America, primarily due to the need of new lands. And immediately after the Second World War the former National Socialists fled to Latin America in hopes of avoiding prosecution and punishment, as well as ordinary citizens who did not want to stay in the devastated country. Today in Latin American countries there are five million ethnic Germans. According to statistics from Mexico about 200 thousand people have German roots. It can be concluded that Germany has a long history of relations with Mexico and Latin America in general. In the context of value orientation (proximity of ideology, religion), Latin America, of course, represents an incomparably greater interest in terms of understanding the foundations of democracy and the attitude to the Human Rights, as the region shows great cultural proximity to Europe. In addition, there is a German interest in maintaining and expanding its national and cultural influence. Latin America has traditionally been the leading place in the list of geographical priorities of "cultural policies" of Germany. It may be noted that with the restoration of German unity European and world politics entered a new phase, and Germany had a change of priorities in ensuring external security. With the victory of Angela Merkel on November 22, 2005, foreign policy received a boost and acquired an Atlantic vector. The new Chancellor repeatedly stressed in her speeches that the German economy has a better chance in Latin America. Thus, after the unification even in the 21st century, the traditionally friendly relations between Germany and Mexico received a new impetus. With Angela Merkel the economic cooperation with Mexico reached a new level. Growing convergence between the two countries is reflected in the intensification of contacts at the highest government level; the steady growth of trade and investment has a positive impact on the dynamics of the bilateral cooperation.

Düşmanın belli, tehditlerin oldukça açık, verilebilecek uygun karşılığın tahmin edilebildiği Soğuk Savaş döneminin ardından iyice ivme kazanan küreselleşmenin de etkisiyle uluslararası alanda ortaya çıkan belirsizlikler, güvenlik algısında bir dizi değişimi zorunlu kılmıştır. Yaşanan değişim süreci ile birlikte güvenlik kavramının anlaşılabilir, güvenilebilir ve devamlılık arz eden bir tarifini yapmak ya da herkesin üzerinde anlaşabileceği sınırlarını ve çerçevesini ortaya koymak gittikçe zorlaşmıştır. Zira ilk olarak kimin güvenliği sorusuna verilen yanıt salt alışılan ve otomatik hale gelen ulus devlet yerine, başta bireyin, devlet-üstü ya da devlet-altı başka toplulukların da olduğu sujeler kümelenmesine doğru evrilmiştir. Yine ne tür tehditler sorusunun yanıtı tek başına askeri nitelikli olma, sınır ötesinden kaynaklanma klasik konumundan çıkmış, kaynağı, zamanı ve şekli önceden tahmin edilmesi güç, hatta neredeyse imkânsız, yeni mücadele alanının neredeyse bütün dünya olarak ortaya çıktığı, asimetrik ve çok boyutlu bir konuma yükselmiştir. Yeni güvenlik anlayışı ile birlikte; uluslararası terörizm, organize suç örgütleri, siber terör, saldırma amacı güden devletler, konvansiyonel ve kitle imha silahlarının yaygınlaşması gibi tehditler, ulusal fiziki varlığa yönelmiş tehditler arasına girmiştir. Ulusal veya küresel ekonomiye ya da finans piyasalarına saldırılar, refaha, çevreye, sağlığa yönelen tecavüzler ile göçler ve mülteci hareketleri de ulusal çıkarları zedeleyen tehditler olarak öne çıkmıştır. Yine evrensel demokratik değerlere, insan hak ve hürriyetlerine saldırılar ortak değerlere yönelen tehditler olarak sıralanmışlardır. ; The uncertainty that had followed the demise of the Cold War, at which time the enemy was apparent, threats were obvious and the appropriate response to those threats could easily be determined, as well as the acceleration of globalisation led to a series of changes in how the notion of security should be conceived. As a consequence, it has increasingly become difficult to come up with a definition of security that is easily understood, reliable and long-lasting. Nor could the boundaries and contours of the concept be established in mutual terms. Since the question of whose security could no longer be answered with a traditional and automatic response, that was the nation-state and individuals as well as non-state actors needed to be taken into account. Again, threats have been evolving from their classic status of being cross-border in origin and military in form into one whose source, timing and form could no longer be easily predicted while the frontiers of the new battle-lines appeared to be the entire world. As the concept of security acquired new meaning, international terrorism, organized crime groups, cyber terror, states with hostile intents, proliferation of conventional weapons and weapons of mass-destruction have been reformed into physical threats. Assaults towards national economies, international economic order or financial markets, aggressions committed against wealth, health and the environment, migratory and asylum movements have begun to form the new threats to national interest. Yet again offences committed against universal democratic values, human rights and freedoms have been lined up as threats to common values.

The Dee Glen Smith spectrum at Utah State University has a reputation of having one of the loudest student sections in the nation. For years, students have taken pride in creating a home court advantage by creating an extremely rowdy and loud atmosphere. Many would agree that this is what makes USU basketball so special. Elevated noise levels, however, have the potential of creating a health hazard to both employees and spectators. Elevated noise levels can cause negative acute effects such as headache, dizziness, nausea, and tinnitus (ringing in the ears). The most likely acute affects that students, employees, and patrons may experience are tinnitus and headache. Chronic exposures to elevated noise levels cause sensory nerve damage to auditory hair cells, resulting in Noise Induced Hearing Loss. In order to understand the seriousness of these noise exposures within the spectrum, measurements were taken at home games for the 2011/2012 and 2012/2013 USU basketball seasons. Small personal meters (known as noise dosimeters) were worn by an employee and a student at each game which determined the degree of their personal exposure to noise levels. It was found that students and employees were consistently exposed to very high noise levels. OHSA has developed a standard which states that an employee shall not receive a noise dose > 100%. This dose is calculated by setting up a personal dosimeter with the proper parameters (A-weighted, 5 dB exchange rate, and slow response rate). By OSHA standards, those in the student section are being exposed to unacceptable levels at the majority of games. When assessing personal noise doses using parameters provided by the American Conference of Governmental Industrial Hygienists, which is a more accurate representation of noise exposures to the human ear, noise exposures to employees and spectators were even higher. ACGIH bases their exposure values on a 3 dB exchange rate which more closely represents the human ear's reaction to noise intensity. For example, a 3 dB increase represents a 200% increase in noise intensity. While most employee exposures have been within OSHA compliance standards, the prevalence of exposures exceeding an 85 decibel TWA (time weighted average) warrant the use of hearing protection at USU basketball games. Utah State University' s hearing conservation program states that employees must wear hearing protection if they are exposed to noise levels exceeding an 85 dBA TWA. Noise measurement data is used to support my recommendation that USU athletics provide employees hearing protection (ear plugs) as required by OSHA CFR 1910.95 (explained in OSHA 3074), and that students and spectators have hearing protection made available to them at the games. The two main goals of the study were the following: Determine whether a correlation between employee/spectator noise dose and spectator attendance exists. Assess the noise doses received by employees and spectators in order to implement effective and feasible controls.

Какую роль играет язык в определении национальной принадлежности? Является язык отражением «души» нации или попросту инструментом межкультурного общения? В США между государством и гражданским обществом ведутся жаркие споры по этому поводу, и, видимо, они еще не скоро придут к общему знаменателю. С одной стороны, движение «Официальный английский язык» выступает за то, чтобы английский язык стал официальным государственным языком, и предупреждает о том, что многоязычие угрожает самому ядру американской национальной идентичности. С другой стороны, сторонники движения «Английский язык плюс» поддерживают идею многоязычия во всех сферах и выступают за обеспечение того, чтобы американские граждане свободно владели английским языком. Несмотря на то, что оба движения считают, что английский язык является и будет оставаться основным языком в Соединенных Штатах, они до сих пор не могут достичь единства взглядов для выработки согласованной политики в этом вопросе. В статье утверждается, что отсутствие единства во взгляддах сторонников этих движений проистекает из гносеологических различий. На протяжении всей истории США движение «Официальный английский язык» и его предшественники рассматривали язык и национальную принадлежность через призму эссенциалистской трактовки. Движение же «Английский язык плюс» и его предшественники — отцы-основатели — использовали утилитаристский подход при определении роли, которую язык играет в обществе. Согласно ему, английский язык является не столько объектом патриотических чувств, сколько языком межкультурного общения. Данное тематическое исследование с описанными в нем эссенциалистским, конструктивистским и утилитаристским подходами способствует плодотворному изучению современной проблематики построения национальной идентичности. = What role does language play in national identity? Does language represent the «soul» of the nation, or is it simply a tool of «intercultural communication?» In the United States, both government and civil society continue to debate these questions, with no apparent consensus in sight. On the one hand, the Offi cial English movement calls for making English the offi cial language and cautions that multilingualism threatens the core of American national identity, while the English Plus movement advocates embracing multilingualism and ensuring English competency in American citizens. While both camps believe that English is and will continue to be the key language in the United States, they have been unable to fi nd any common ground on which to advocate policy. In this article, it is argued that their lack of common ground stems from epistemological differences. The Offi cial English movement, and its predecessors throughout U.S. history, appears to operate from an «essentialist» viewpoint of language and national identity. The English Plus movement, and its predecessors — the «Founding Fathers», appears to operate according to a «utilitarian» view of the role that language plays in society; English is not so much an object of national affection as it is a language of intercultural communication. This case study, and the essentialist/constructivist/utilitarianist approach it takes, provides us with a useful means through which to study contemporary contestation in national identity building.

United Nations (UN) Member States agreed to start negotiations towards a universal sustainable development agenda. A major challenge is to design goals that guide future action at the national and international levels. These "Goals" usually refer to global development priorities at the highest aggregated level. "Targets" are subcomponents of goals that are needed to achieve the overarching goal. "Indicators" help to monitor progress towards the targets. At the national level, countries prefer to set their own targets and indicators based on their own circumstances and needs. At the international level, setting global minimum standards for all citizens, or agreeing on global environmental ceilings, can ensure better development outcomes for all countries. International development goals can foster coherence in aggregating national actions in addressing global challenges. They can create accountability across countries and ensure comparability on development progress. Combining national development targets and international development goals within one unified agenda, however, is challenging in at least two ways. First, a balance has to be found between flexibility at the local level and a strong basis for accountability at the global level. National level target-setting takes account of local development conditions and allows room for flexibility in addressing complex development challenges. Goal-setting at the global level will, however, prescribe goals to be met by all countries, which may be more or less consistent with the targets set at the national level. Second, it is difficult to define ambitious goals that are meaningful in a heterogeneous world. Countries differ regarding income, poverty, equality and geography, for instance. Global standards and rules need to be ambitious, yet they have to be fair towards all countries. Designing a universal development agenda has to address the differentiation of countries and integrate national- and international-level development goals within one agenda. This paper examines three approaches for designing the post-2015 agenda: 1) the Millennium Development Goals approach (top-down negotiation), 2) the inductive approach (bottom-up) and 3) the two-tier-list approach (a hybrid of the two). Each approach is characterised by different advantages and disadvantages that decision-makers negotiating the post-2015 agenda need to consider carefully. This paper proposes five key questions for judging the merits of each approach: How are global and national development goals linked? How does the approach influence negotiations? Are sectorspecific and cross-cutting goals included? How does the approach foster accountability? How communicable will the future agenda be? In light of these considerations, the two-tier-list approach would allow for combining a list of global goals to foster global collective action with nationally set targets and indicators. The two-tier-list approach offers the greatest potential for designing an ambitious, communicable, accountable and relevant future development agenda.

Este trabalho se propõe a discutir comparativamente as ações de alimentação e nutrição que remetem ao tema da Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN) no Brasil e em Portugal, tendo em vista que diversos países têm estabelecido diretrizes para a garantia da alimentação adequada. Ambas as nações vivenciam situações de reduzida taxa de fecundidade, aumento da expectativa de vida e prevalências elevadas de doenças e agravos não transmissíveis. No Brasil, 30,2% das famílias vivem em insegurança alimentar; em Portugal, mesmo sem contabilizar a insegurança, 18,0% de seus habitantes encontram-se em risco de pobreza. A Política Nacional de Alimentação e Nutrição (PNAN) é o atual documento brasileiro que visa assegurar o acesso universal ao alimento. Portugal, devido à sua inserção na União Europeia, norteia-se pelo Segundo Plano de Ação Europeu para Política de Alimentação e Nutrição, da WHO, mas também pelo Plano Nacional de Saúde, atualizado periodicamente. Pautados pela intersetorialidade, os países apresentam ações relativas à SAN comuns, como aquelas relacionadas ao combate à obesidade, ao incentivo ao aleitamento materno, à prevenção de deficiências nutricionais e promoção de ações de educação alimentar em meio escolar, enquanto que, especificamente no Brasil, encontram-se estratégias relativas ao combate à desnutrição e, em Portugal, aquelas ligadas à indústria e à produção de alimentos seguros. Com relação à abordagem acerca da SAN, são verificadas distinções: a SAN é mais amplamente discutida pela política brasileira, enquanto que, em Portugal, o tema encontra-se implícito nas diversas ações de alimentação e nutrição.Palavras-chave: Política Pública de Saúde; Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional; Programas de Nutrição; Brasil; Portugal. ; This paper aims to compare food and nutrition actions related to foodsecurity (FS) in Brazil and Portugal, keeping in mind that several countries have established guidelines to guarantee adequate food. Both nations are experiencing a reduction in fertility rates, increased life expectancy, and a high prevalence of non-communicable diseases. In Brazil, 30.2% of households live in food insecurity; in Portugal, even without estimating food insecurity, 18.0% of its inhabitants are at risk for poverty. The National Food and Nutrition Policy is the current Brazilian document which seeks to ensure universal access to food. Portugal, due to its inclusion in the European Union, is guided by the Second WHO European Action Plan for Food and Nutrition Policy as well as by the Portuguese National Health Plan, which has been updated periodically. Guided by the intersectoral approach, these countries share actions related to FS, such as combating obesity, preventing nutritional deficiences and promoting nutrition education in schools, whereas, specifically in Brazil, some strategies also combat malnutrition and, in Portugal, are linked to industry and the production of safe food. With relation to FS, some distinctions were seen: FS is more widely discussed by Brazilian policies, while this subject is implied in several food and nutrition actions in Portugal.Keywords: Health Public Policy; Food Security; Nutrition Programs; Brazil; Portugal.

Denominamos "lo femenino" a un espacio amplio, un exterior constitutivo, en el que se ubica, como negativo, todo aquello que carece de las características definitorias de lo masculino. Y consideramos que su construcción, en distintos momentos y espacios de la modernidad, es fundamental para el abordaje de las violencias fruto de las tecnologías del género. A través de un diálogo entre las geopolíticas críticas feministas, la teoría queer y el pensamiento decolonial, analizamos las ficciones políticas de la masculinidad y la feminidad como artefactos violentos, domesticadores y creadores de desigualdades. Las tecnologías de la raza, el sexo y el cuerpo moldearán a los individuos en la desigualdad y la violencia, legitimando las jerarquías espaciales que consolidan la hegemonía occidental y las formas de circulación del saber-poder. Nos interesa conocer los procesos político-discursivos a través de los cuales se han construido los cuerpos y las identidades situadas en lo femenino y como actúan generando violencia hacia aquellos sujetos no hombres (mujeres, homosexuales, personas con minusvalías, prostitutas, etcétera). Por eso, prestamos atención a los aparatos biopolíticos que ponen en marcha tecnologías y dispositivos somatopolíticos que domestican, sujetan y disciplinan la vida de las poblaciones con el objetivo de construir cuerpos nacionales dóciles, fuertes y reproductivos a partir de ficciones políticas vivas identitarias. A modo de genealogía abordamos la construcción del artefacto "lo femenino", la creación de la identidad homosexual y las diferentes formas de violencia a partir de la consolidación de los estados-nación europeos y las formas del imperialismo decimonónico. ; This paper analyses the construction of the artifact "feminine", the creation of the homosexual identity, and the diverse forms of gender base violence(s) from the formation and consolidation of the European nation-states and the nineteenth-century forms of imperialism. Based upon a dialogue between femi-nist geopolitics, queer theory, and postcolonial thought, we paper analyze the political fictions of identities –nationality, citizenship, masculinity, femininity and the third sex-, as violent artifacts, as tools of domesticity, and as creators of inequalities. From a genealogical style, we propose "the feminine" as a large space inhabit by everybody who lacks the characteristics of the modern masculinity. This analysis in different times and spaces of modernity examines how technologies of sex, race and body shape people's experience of inequality and violence, legitimizing spatial hierarchies that consolidate Western hegemony and forms of the knowledge-power. We pay attentions to the political and discursive processes through are bodies and identities built. The focus is on modern biopolitical regimes, the actions to tame, to grippe and to discipline the life and bodies of population. In short, we address how the normalization and the otherness generate violence(s) toward people identified as no men: women, homosexual, lesbian, fag, transexual and foreigners; the inhabit of the feminine.

Abstrak Kajian ini adalah untuk menyingkap lambang-lambang kebaikan pada diri Cicero dalam pandangan politiknya yang di gunakan Robert Harris untuk menjelaskan arti tersembunyi di dalam novel tersebut. Lambang-lambang kebaikan tersebut muncul untuk menguatkan arti sebenarnya dengan melalui karakter dan latar tempat. Arti dari lambang-lambang kebaikan itu sendiri berhubungan dengan banyaknya persoalan dalam pandangan dunia politik dari novel tersebut. Arti dari lambang-lambang itu saling berkaitan untuk mendukung karakter Cicero sebagai contoh sifat kebaikan dilihat dari sisi politik dalam dirinya. Kebaikan tersebut muncul dari arti lambang-lambang tersebut dan membuktikan apa yang sebenarnya disebut sebagai hal baik dalam dunia politik. Hal ini saling berhubungan antara arti dari lambang-lambang tersebut dan kebaikan yang dimaksudkan sebagai eksistensi atas karakteristik pemikiran seseorang dan praktik politk sebagai pemimpin bangsa. Teori lambing-lambang dari Frye, Ilmu Bahasa, dan konsep politik membantu kajian ini dalam menganalisa dan menjelasan bagaimana lambang-lambang tersebut dapat menjadi lebih bermakna didalam pengartian itu sendiri. Ilmu bahasa mendukung analisa dari lambang-lambang tentang bagaimana sebuah bahasa dari hasil percakapan memunculkan arti yang ada dalam novel tersebut. Konsep politik menyingkap apa sebenarnya hal baik yang ada dalam praktik politik dari novel tersebut. Kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa lambang-lambang kebaikan di dalam pembahasan ini menuntun orang-orang dan para politikus besar tentang bagaimana politik itu seharusnya dijalankan. Lambang-lambang dan kebaikan (hal baik) di dalam politik kembali diulas di Roma beberapa tahun yang lalu dan bagaimana hal ini dapat mempengaruhi praktik politik yang ada dibarat. Kata Kunci: Lambang-lambang, Kebaikan, dan Konsep Politik Abstract This study is to reveal the goodness symbols of Cicero's political view that Robert Harris used to explain the hidden meaning in his novel, Conspirata. The goodness symbols appear to emphasize the real meaning with the characters and settings. The meaning of goodness symbols itself connected with many issues in political views from the novel. The symbols meaning is closely related to support Cicero's goodness character in political point of view. The goodness thing come from meaning of the symbols and proof what is exactly called as goodness in politics. It is correlation between meaning of symbols and goodness signify the existence of people's mind characteristic and people's practice in politics as a leader of nation. Theory of symbols of Frye, semiotics and concept of politics help the study to analyze and explain how the symbol can be significant in meaning. Semiotics supports the analysis of symbol in how the language from the conversation reveals the deep meaning. Concept of politics signifies what is exactly the goodness thing in political practice from the novel. The study shows that goodness symbols in the study lead people and other great politicians how the politic should be. Symbols and the goodness in politic reviewed Rome in many years ago and how it can influence many politic practices in west. Keywords: The Symbols, Goodness, and Concept of Politic

San Carlos de Bariloche es la principal localidad turística de la Patagonia argentina. Representa, por su dimensión, a la ciudad más poblada de la provincia de Río Negro y es la tercera en tamaño en la Patagonia. Su crecimiento demográfico ha estado nutrido por diferentes migraciones nacionales y extranjeras. De estas últimas las principales provienen de países latinoamericanos. El artículo apunta a indagar en la desvalorización de su migración más importante, la chilena, durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Esta exclusión se fortaleció entre 1966 y 1983, por las iniciativas estatales que exacerbaron la xenofobia, las persecuciones políticas, la precarización de las condiciones laborales y los cambios en la organización espacial durante los gobiernos dictatoriales del período, esto es, los que se desarrollaron de 1966 a 1973 y de 1976 a 1983. El presente artículo analiza cómo algunos espacios de Bariloche se constituyeron en marcas urbanas que representaron intereses de los sectores más visibles en nombre de la "nación", al tiempo que revisa dispositivos de resistencia de sectores excluidos de migrantes chilenos, que tuvieron, paralelamente, componentes de construcción espacial. Para este último punto se aborda la construcción de la Capilla Nuestra Señora del Carmen en 1966, construida en el área conocida como "barrio de los chilenos", que se levantó como una marca alternativa, tanto material como simbólica, para disputar pertenencia, reconocimiento y visibilidad.Palabras clave: urbanización simbólica, xenofobia, turismo, religión, San Carlos de Bariloche.Urban Marks and Social Senses at Issue. San Carlos de Bariloche, 1966-1983AbstractSan Carlos de Bariloche is the main tourist town in the Argentinean Patagonia. It is also the biggest city in the Province of Río Negro, and the third largest in Patagonia. Its demographic growth has been nurtured by national and international migrations, the most important influence of the foreign population is from Latin-American. This article studies the underestimate that covered the central migration of the city, the Chilean, during the second half of Twentieth Century. This exclusion growth between 1966 and 1983, because of State initiatives that increased local xenophobia, adding political persecutions, fragility in labor conditions, and changes in spatial organization, in the context of the coup d´etat during 1966 to 1973 and 1976 to 1983. This article analyzed the urban marks in Bariloche, that were built taking into account the interests of the hegemonic sectors in the name of "Nation". At the same time, this construction was crossed by forms of resistance designed by different social sectors. Inside them, the activity of Chilean migrants involved the construct of a chapel in 1966, in a place known as "the Chilean neighborhood", in devotion of the Patron of Chile, the Virgin of Carmen. The chapel and the devotion were erected in order to discuss the logics of pertinence, the ways of recognition and the social visibility. Keywords: symbolic urbanization, xenophobia, tourism, religion, San Carlos de Bariloche.

A steady rise in the Japanese population in Australia has been contributing to an increase in the number of heritage learners enrolling in Japanese language classrooms. However, past studies on this group of students, especially in Australia, have typically focused on examining these learners' experiences and identities in connection to particular communities or ethnic groups. In contrast, this case study explores the language learning experiences of individual Japanese heritage learners, focusing on the local as well as trans-local factors influencing the construction and negotiation of their identities. This study is based on qualitative data derived from semi-structured interviews conducted with seven secondary and tertiary level heritage learners who were recruited from a subject for Japanese heritage learners that was offered by an Australian university. In addition, week-long language use diaries, recordings of classroom activities and stimulated recall interviews, which were conducted in relation to translation and interpreting tasks, were also collected. The data was then analysed utilising a poststructuralist framework that recognises how power relations and discourses influence the negotiation of identities across various social fields. This study has revealed significant heterogeneity within this group of Japanese heritage learners in terms of their educational and family backgrounds as well as in the ways they present their language and ethnic identities. Indeed, these students were not inheritors of fixed identities as a Japanese, but rather were constructing complex senses of belonging through life trajectories and linguistic practices that spanned multiple nations and communities. It was also found that the participants of this study were strategically managing their identities in Japanese language classes in order to claim legitimacy as speakers of Japanese. However, this was not equated with an investment in a Japanese identity. Instead, they seemed to be pursuing the acquisition of cultural capital that such legitimacy facilitated access to (for example, high tertiary entrance scores, friendship groups and entrance into desired universities), or what the legitimacy allowed them to index (for example, the quality of one's linguistic capital, transnational mobility, academic competence and the plurality of one's identity). As such, for this group of heritage learners, the function of the Japanese language as a marker of ethnicity was downplayed for a view of the language as capital in itself for obtaining a wide range of interests and for constructing difference vis-à-vis monolingual peers and less competent bilinguals. In addition, a detailed analysis of the students' engagement in translation and interpreting tasks revealed that the bilingual nature of these tasks not only provided the students with an opportunity to reflect and compare their Japanese and English, but also prompted them to contemplate and attempt to mediate between multiple social, historical and political discourses. Given the above-mentioned findings, this study thus argues for the importance of considering the transnational nature of these students' identities and calls for a pedagogical approach that takes into account and fosters the bilingual repertoire of this group of heritage learners.

A lo largo de más de una década de intervención internacional, Afganistán ha sido el laboratorio donde se ha gestado un nuevo modelo de reconstrucción de Estados, combinando elementos militares y civiles con un objetivo común –la estabilización y la democratización–, pero llevando a la práctica instrumentos diferenciados. Desde la óptica de la seguridad, dos operaciones centrales se desarrollan en el teatro afgano: la Operación Libertad Duradera (O.E.F. en sus siglas en inglés) liderada por los Estados Unidos (EE.UU.), con el objetivo de eliminar al movimiento talibán y Al Qaeda; y la "International Secutity Assistance Force" (I.S.A.F.), al abrigo de la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte (O.T.A.N.) y del paraguas jurídico de las Naciones Unidas (NN.UU.), con la misión de reconstruir física y políticamente el país, capacitar a las fuerzas de seguridad afganas, sumando un tercer elemento, contribuir a la buena gobernanza. En el laboratorio afgano se ha puesto a prueba la eficacia de la acción exterior española desde tres visiones diferentes pero directamente relacionadas: la "Defensa, el Desarrollo y la Diplomacia" –"Las 3D"–. Esta fórmula ha sido la empelada con el fin de dar solución a la inestabilidad de Afganistán y, por consiguiente, sentar los cimientos de la paz. El compromiso español en Afganistán ha alcanzado el mayor desembolso económico y despliegue de fuerza de todas las intervenciones internacionales en las que ha participado. Es, por tanto, una intervención que responde a los compromisos de nuestro país con los organismos internacionales y con el multilateralismo activo pero, también, ha estado condicionado por otro tipo de decisiones de profundo carácter político. ; Over more than a decade of International intervention, Afghanistan has been the laboratory for a new set up of State recovery, putting together military and civilian el ements under a common goal: stabilize and democratize the country. Currently, there are two military operations running in Afghanistan. The first is Operation Enduring Freedom (O.E.F.) under US command to get rid of Taliban's and Al Qaeda's members. The second operation is the International Security Assistance Force (I.S.A.F.) under North Atlantic Treaty Organization (N.A.T.O.) command in addition to United Nations (U.N.) legal control. They aim to rebuild –physically and politically– the country, to train the Afghan security Forces and to foster the democratic governance. This new context brings several components that influence the foreign policy of the Donors. Defense, Diplomacy and Development –3D–. This formula has been used in order to solve the instability of Afghanistan and therefore strength the peace. Spanish Aid in Afghanistan has reached the highest disbursement and deployment ever in the Spanish Official Development Assistance (O.D.A.). This action responds to the Spanish commitments with international organizations but also it has been subjected to political guidelines given the current economic environment. ; peerReviewed

Актуальность вопроса об установлении регулярных контактов между правительством США и руководством китайской компартии во время второй мировой войны определяется местом возглавляемого коммунистами Китая в современном мире, его возрастающей ролью в международной политике, фактическим превращением этой страны после распада СССР во вторую глобальную сверхдержаву. Цель работы заключается в том, чтобы с опорой на принцип историзма путём углублённого анализа доступных в настоящее время источников по данной теме проследить эволюцию подходов американских правящих кругов к проблеме сотрудничества с КПК, возможной организации взаимодействия, в т. ч. военного, между Соединёнными Штатами и китайскими коммунистами для отпора японской агрессии и создания коалиционного правительства в Китае ради предотвращения гражданской войны и возможного вмешательства СССР во внутрикитайский конфликт. Выявлено наличие комплекса противоречий между политикой правительства Чан Кайши, объективно направленной на укрепление Китая и усиление его роли в международной политике, и линией администрации Ф. Рузвельта, нацеленной на превращение гоминдановского Китая в инструмент американской политики в Азии, недостаточность имеющихся в распоряжении руководства США инструментов воздействия на китайские верхи. Результатом явилось противодействие правительства Чан Кайши усилиям правящих кругов США, связанное с нежеланием верхов гоминдана идти на уступки политическим противникам и допускать в какой-либо форме иностранное вмешательство во внутренние дела Китая, в качестве чего рассматривались усилия американцев по установлению связей с КПК. ; Relevance of the question of establishing regular contacts between the U.S. government and the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) during the Second World War is determined by the role of Communist-led China in the modern world, its growing importance in international politics, by actual transformation of this nation into a second global superpower. The purpose of the study is to trace, relying on the principle of historicism and the in-depth analysis of currently available sources, the subject of the evolution of the American approach to the issue of cooperation with the CPC including military interaction between the United States and the Chinese Communists in order to resist the Japanese invasion, prevent civil war and the possible Soviet intervention into Chinese internal political conflict. The result reveals the presence of the complex contradictions between the policies of the Chiang Kai-shek government, aimed at China strengthening and enhancement of its role in international politics, and the line of the Roosevelt administration aimed at making Kuomintang-controlled China the precision instrument of the American policy in Asia, as well as the lack of available instrument of pressure of the U.S. government on Chinese political establishment. The consequence was the opposition of the Chiang Kai-shek government to the American efforts caused by reluctance of the upper circles of the Kuomintang to make any concessions to their political opponents and the determination to prevent any form of foreign interference into Chinese home affairs; American efforts to establish ties with the CPC were considered as such interference.