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Through a number of isolated initiatives that began in the 1960s, Brazil accumulated knowledge and experience that in the late 1990s culminated in the implementation of the first nationwide public health action meant to coordinate health bodies and personnel from the federal, state, and municipal administrative levels to address a chronic degenerative disease. The main goal of this article is to analyze the process of construction of this public policy for cancer control in Brazil -more specifically, organized screening for the control of cervical cancer in the form of the Viva Mulher program. Our analytical approach relies on elements from the history of public policy and from the history of institutions, combining the use of documental sources, scientific literature, and interviews with managers involved in the process under study. Our analysis endeavors to show how and to what extent this national process incorporated the experiences of local projects and responded both to pressure from the social movement and to the country's political environment. It further shows how the new context, shaped by changes in the organization of the Brazilian health system, influenced this process.

After France, Bulgaria became the second EU country to enact an open-ended ban on hydraulic fracturing in early 2012. This government action was a radical departure from an initially friendly, even enthusiastic stance on unconventional gas development. It resulted in months of unprecedented, broad political pro-test from environmental groups and local communities. The conflict was interpreted as one involving old questions about Bulgaria's orientation toward Russia or the West. In neighbouring Romania, Bulgaria's U-turn on shale gas energized a protest movement which had been relatively weak. In a turbulent election-year context, political leaders scrambled to deal with highly symbolic issues. A new government introduced a moratorium but ended it less than a year later. Another U-turn in public policy happened. Romania parted from Bulgaria's example and set out to move forward on shale gas, aiding foreign investors. Massive protests against the policy and the investors surged, en-circling the drilling operations. In both countries, public mistrust in institutions, environmental regulations and due process of law is a significant factor of political risk for energy companies.

International audience In his 1904 paper, Über Gegenstandstheorie, Meinong said that Gegebenheit is the universal feature of objects: it is the property of being potentially given to the mind. Later, in Selbstdarstellung, Meinong stated that it is essential to objects that they could be graspable: the mind's having an object is the mind's being directed toward an object that is presented. Notions of Gerichtetsein, Meinen and Präsentation capture what it is for an object to be apprehended, and Meinong conceived of psychological states as they could insure the apprehension of objects. This view is strongly connected with the role Meinong attributed to the notion of "activity," which he distinguished from the notion of "act". I propose here an investigation about the historical, progressive and interpretative occurrence of the notion of activity in Meinong's works. This is connected with the issue concerning correct groundings of representations of relations and complexions, the refusal of reflexion and the criticisms of psychologism. In the mature period, such an activity is necessary to explain how representations are directed toward an object and why objects have to be grasped and not internally produced.

Досліджуються умови формування популізму як суспільно-політичного руху у США та Латинській Америці у кінці ХІХ ст. – першій треті ХХ ст. Доведено, що популістський рух є своєрідним проявом суспільного невдоволення у перехідні та кризові періоди в умовах функціонування демократичних процедур. Ключові слова: популізм, суспільно-політичний рух, держава, народ Прядко Т. П. Формирование популизма как общественно-политического движения / Национальный педагогический университет им. М. Драгоманова, Украина, КиевИсследовались условия формирования популизма как общественно-политического движения в США и Латинской Америке в конце ХІХ в. – первой трети ХХ в. Установлено, что популистское движение есть своеобразным проявлением общественного неудовлетворения в переходные и кризисные периоды в условиях функционирования демократических процедур.Ключевые слова: популизм, общественно-политическое движение, государство, народ Pryadko T. P. Formation of populism as a sociopolitical movement / National Pedagogical Dragomanov University, Ukraine, KyivFormation conditions of populism as a sociopolitical movement in the United States and Latin America in the late nineteenth century - the first third of the twentieth century were investigated. Was established that the populist movement is a manifestation of public dissatisfaction during transition and crisis periods of the functioning of democratic procedures.Keywords: populism, sociopolitical movement, state, people

Дана характеристика процессов становления и развития физической культуры в школах Буковины в конце XIX в начале XX ст. Определены причины и охарактеризованы недостатки процесса становления физической культуры в образовательной политике Габсбургской монархии. Доказано, что социально-политическая жизнь буковинцев во второй половине XIX ст. способствовала внедрению реформаторско-инновационных подходов к народной школе, которые уже были апробированы в западноевропейских странах. Выделены основные подходы к реализации содержания физической культуры учеников школ на Буковине в исследуемый период. ; The process of physical culture establishment and development in schools of Bukovyna in the late 19th -early 20th centuries has been described. The reasons for and the disadvantages of the physical culture establishment process in the educational policy of Habsburg Monarchy have been determined and characterized. It has been proven that social and political life of the residents of Bukovyna in the second half of the 19th century helped to implement reformation and innovative methods into public schools, which had been already approbated in Western European countries. Basic approaches to the implementation of the content of physical culture of the pupils in Bukovyna in the period being explored have been pointed out.

The Euromaidan shocked most observers of Ukrainian politics, not only for its longevity (November 21, 2013 – February 22, 2014), but also for its turn to violent repertoires of protest in the later stages. What was at first a peaceful mass protest event which saw nearly equal participation of men and women (Onuch, 2014d; Onuch & Martsenyuk, 2013), turned into what seemed to be a violent and male dominated riot. While much attention has been paid to the brave 'women of the Euromaidan' who also engaged in violent protests (Khromeychuk, 2014; Phillips, 2014), female activists and other protest participants ('ordinary' citizens) have reported a gendered division of labour in the protest zone. Thus, it is still not clear what the role of gender was during the different stages of protest - and if the participation of women was in fact, any different from that of male protest participants. This paper employs original data from rapid interviews and onsite surveys of protest participants, and the authors' in-depth interviews with 48 activists to investigate how violent repertoires and the general militarization of the Euromaidan protests reproduced patriarchal gender stereotypes.

Considerable socio-political change has re-configured the discursive space once occupied by ' utopia'. Within the cultures of late capitalism and the organisational matrices of bio-political administration, that space is no longer animated by images of idealised states that are yet to come, or by a sense of simple failure in the production of those same states. Rather, it is overdetermined by a condition of differentiation in the representation of reality. The origins of that differentiation of representation appear to lie deep within the modernist project. In the Place of Utopia explores how that condition of representation might be animated anew by the discursive circuits through which modernity has come to operate, so as to enliven the ability of transformative ideas to lever change from within a range of organic crises current to the world system: the financialisation of global capitalism; the subsumption of worker subjectivities to the logic of capital; the broadening of the metabolic rift through industrial-capitalism. Central to this animation of transformative ideas is the relationship between language and the body. ; https://www.peterlang.com/view/title/35977

The article outlines the historical development of the study of folk religion and mythology in Estonian scholarship. It shows how the changing ideological and political context and formation of folkloristics as an autonomous discipline have shaped the construction of its object – Estonian folk religion. The roots of conceptualizing folk religion as an inherited set of survivals of heathendom lies on the one hand in the systematic work of the Lutheran Church in strengthening the Christian worldview by eradicating superstitions. On the other hand, the ideology of national awakening depicted Estonian folklore as a huge and valuable reservoir of pre-Christian traditions, including the oldest survivals of Finno-Ugric cultural heritage. Later, during the period of Soviet occupation, Marxist evolutionary views contributed towards considering folk religion as an archaic form in human development; in addition, anti-clerical ideology reinforced a stereotype of the people's adherence to their indigenous religion and contrasting this with Christianity as an alien ideology of oppression. The last part of the article discusses scholarship after the re-establishment of Estonia's independence in 1991, as the former ideological framework slowly faded away and new conceptual developments emerged.

The Arab revolts that erupted in late 2010, forcing from power the rulers of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen, and dragging Syria through a ferocious civil war, reactivated the public debate on government in Islamic countries. In all those countries, after removing the authoritarian regimes (or fighting against them), the political arena saw a division into two main camps: Islamic parties and secularists; both claiming to stand for democracy. Within the political discourse of both sides a new concept began to play a pivotal role: that of the 'civil state' – dawla madaniyya – a term which, however, renders different semantic interpretations according to the political actors involved, meaning both 'no military or theocratic (but Islamic) State', and 'secular State'. We'll especially analyse the usage of the term 'dawla madaniyya' in Tunisia and Egypt since the beginning of the Arab revolts and up until 2014 and, for the same time period, the political practices of Islamist and secularist parties (government experiences, constituent assemblies) focusing on the effectiveness of the dawla madaniyya paradigm for building a democratic state.

Mittels einer institutionenabhängigen Inzidenzanalyse wird in der vorliegenden Arbeit der Beschäftigungserfolg in vier Vergleichsstaaten (Dänemark, Schweden, die Niederlande, Deutschland) ausgewertet. Diese Länder bieten ein geeignetes Feld für eine komparative Analyse, da ihre Beschäftigungspolitik in der jüngeren Vergangenheit von signifikanten Reformen gekennzeichnet war. Aufbauend auf dem aktuellen wissenschaftlichen Forschungsstand zeigt die Inzidenzanalyse, wie schwierig es ist, einer einzelnen Arbeitsmarktinstitution einen konkreten Anteil am jeweiligen Arbeitsmarkterfolg zuzuordnen. Denn neben den institutionellen Interaktionseffekten ist auch zu berücksichtigen, dass die ökonomischen Anreizwirkungen im Verlauf des Konjunkturzyklus schwanken. Dennoch lassen sich – sowohl theoretisch als auch empirisch fundiert – Reformmuster identifizieren, die den Beschäftigungserfolg in den Vergleichsstaaten unterstützt haben. Neben einer zurückhaltenden Lohnpolitik der Sozialpartner, zumeist in Sozialpakten auf nationaler Ebene festgeschrieben, ist die wirksame Beschränkung des "Moral Hazard" in der Arbeitslosenversicherung zu nennen. Die Eingrenzung der Wege in die Frühverrentung haben die Erwerbsanreize für Ältere signifikant erhöht. Eine Koordination der Lohnverhandlungen kann dazu beitragen, dass die Sozialpartner die gesamtwirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen ihrer Tarifabschlüsse dauerhaft internalisieren. ; The present study evaluates the employment success of four countries (Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands and Germany) by means of an incidence analysis based on labor market institutions. The four countries provide a suitable field for a comparative analysis, as their employment policies have been characterized by significant reforms in the recent past. Based on the latest scientific research, the incidence analysis shows the difficulties of assigning a specific part of labor market success to a single labor market institution. In addition to institutional interaction effects this is due to varying economic ...

This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia's early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt's interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia's peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia's heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.

В статье анализируется проблема национального самоопределения как основного принципа национальной политики и межнациональных отношений. Автор приводит конкретные примеры самоопределившихся народов Абхазии и Южной Осетии в свете Георгиевского трактата 1783 года, когда в крепости Георгиевск на Северном Кавказе П.С. Потемкин, со стороны России, И.К. Багратион и Г.Р. Чавчавадзе, со стороны Картли-Кахетинского царства (часть нынешней Грузии), заключили трактат, по месту своего подписания позднее получивший название Георгиевского. Статья носит дискуссионный характер, а авторская концепция сводится к защите международно-признанного принципа национального самоопределения. ; The article analyzes the problem of national self-determination as a basic principle of the national policy and inter-ethnic relations. The author gives specific examples of the self-determined people of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in the light of Georgievsk of 1783, when the fortress Georgievsk in the North Caucasus Pesotsky, Russia, Ickrath and Gricevje, on the part of the Kartli-Kakheti Kingdom (part of present-day Georgia) signed the Treaty, according to their place of signing later received the name of St. George. The article is controversial, and the author's concept is to protect the internationally recognized principle of national self-determination

The article is devoted to theoretical and methodological analysis of the "dilemma of simultaneity" as the conceptual predictor of post-communist Europe modernization's logistics. It was determined that the initial premise to overcome the "dilemma of simultaneity" was political modernization or democratization of post-communist countries of Europe and that in some countries modernization was realized in three areas, and in some other countries in four areas (i.e. in the form of a "triple" or "quadruple" transition). The author argued that the "dilemma of simultaneity" as a proper and on time logistics model of post-communist transformation and modernization in various European countries is not fully methodologically unified. It was also revealed that initially the "dilemma of simultaneity" was a dichotomy (in political and economic areas), but later became a trichotomy (including issues of territorial and national restructuring). In addition, initially the "dilemma of simultaneity" had negative direction, but nowadays is a positivist value. At the same time, it was argued that overcoming the "dilemma of simultaneity" is an overcome and turning such results of institutional development of post-communist European countries as modernity, statehood and prospects of the EU membership.

The article is devoted to theoretical and methodological analysis of the "dilemma of simultaneity" as the conceptual predictor of post-communist Europe modernization's logistics. It was determined that the initial premise to overcome the "dilemma of simultaneity" was political modernization or democratization of post-communist countries of Europe and that in some countries modernization was realized in three areas, and in some other countries in four areas (i.e. in the form of a "triple" or "quadruple" transition). The author argued that the "dilemma of simultaneity" as a proper and on time logistics model of post-communist transformation and modernization in various European countries is not fully methodologically unified. It was also revealed that initially the "dilemma of simultaneity" was a dichotomy (in political and economic areas), but later became a trichotomy (including issues of territorial and national restructuring). In addition, initially the "dilemma of simultaneity" had negative direction, but nowadays is a positivist value. At the same time, it was argued that overcoming the "dilemma of simultaneity" is an overcome and turning such results of institutional development of post-communist European countries as modernity, statehood and prospects of the EU membership.

The article is devoted to analyzing and systematizing the effects and consequences of modernization and development of transport logistics, infrastructure and system in the Visegrad countries, in particular at theoretical and practical levels. It was argued that investing in the transport system and infrastructure in the Visegrad Group countries has effectively and variably affected the level of trade activity and exports, the overall level of in- vestment and capital activity of countries, the transportation volumes, and thus the income, gross product and inflation fluctuations. However, the countries of the Visegrad Group have historically been characterized by the lagging behind investment in transport from the European average indicators. In general, it was found that modernization and development of transport logistics, infrastructure and systems in the Visegrad Group countries during the late 20 – early 21 century have significant consequences that differ from the consequences of transport development for most of the 20 century. As a result, it gave sufficient grounds to state that transport logistics, infrastructure and system in the Visegrad Group countries, although characterized by significant modernization effects, still have significant gaps in their development that need to be solved.