Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Through analysis of the Russian-language writings of the prominent Crimean Tatar Muslim educator Ismāʿīl Gasprinskii, this article engages in unpacking the term 'Islamic Reformation'. Gasprinskii's membership of various, not necessarily overlapping social groups, including Russian conservative circles and international Muslim liberal networks, gave rise to the multitude of complex, often mutually exclusive meanings that the term enjoyed in his work. Despite clear references that Gasprinskii made to European and global Islamic discourses on civilisation and progress, his texts remained highly sensitive to Russia's own insecure stance vis-à-vis Europe. Responding to the nation-building rhetoric of Russia's elites, Gasprinskii conformed to and simultaneously challenged dominant cultural codes concerning Russia's ethnic and religious minorities in many subtle ways. His case thus invites a reconsideration of the modes of conversation that existed between the coloniser and the colonised at the turn of the twentieth century, whereby we see them not as instances of uncontested domination by and imposition of European models, but as a complex and multidirectional process in which Muslim figures, like Gasprinskii, could exercise a significant degree of agency.

Avant le protectorat, l'artisanat marocain fut véhiculé dans les expositions internationales comme une industrie rudimentaire qui reflète le retard du Maroc et répond à la mode exotique valorisant les attributs des civilisations orientales. Sous le protectorat l'artisanat marocain est reconnu comme art décoratif depuis qu'il a été exposé au palais Marsan en 1917. En 1925 le protectorat lui revendique l'étiquette d'art décoratif moderne et le montre à l'exposition internationale des arts décoratifs et industriels modernes organisée à Paris. Pour s'aligner au règlement de l'exposition récusant toute référence à l'histoire, l'administration coloniale a présenté selon une scénographie moderne des articles d'artisanat hybride développés dans des artisans et artistes européens pour répondre aux besoins d'une clientèle occidentale. La promotion des articles hybrides de l'artisanat marocain reflète l'incohérence de la politique de rénovation. Le slogan en faveur de l'authenticité de l'artisanat marocain brandi au début du mandat coloniale n'a pas résisté à la nécessité de se conformer au besoin de la clientèle européenne et d'inscrire l'artisanat marocain dans la dynamique artistique mondiale de plus en plus favorable à la modernisation des arts industriels.

A few months before their publication in 2014, the first Martin Heidegger's Black Notebooks already introduced a new phase of the debate about Heidegger's supposed National Socialism and Antisemitism, since they contain questionable references to Jewish people. As of yet, most of the interpretations come down to five theses. Whilst several interpreters assert that the whole Heideggeran thought is anti-Semitic, others refer this ''accusation'' to a brief period in Heidegger's life or rather attribute to this thinker an anti-Judaism inherited from the Christian tradition. Some scholars classify Heidegger's sentences as a general critique of civilisation, whereas others pretend that the Heideggerian philosophical thought was untouched by whichever issues related to politics and race. Ascertaining the flaws in the approach of many interpreters of Heidegger's Black Notebooks, the necessity of reading them by means of the hermeneutical method in order to reach an appropriate contextualisation is to be stressed. Only in this way can the various themes of the Notebooks be unveiled, as well as the limits and the magnitude of the Heideggerian thought. Keywords: Interpretation, relationship between Philosophy and Politics, critique of modernity, Judaism, question of Being

A la suite du tournant culturel, l'approche culturelle se focalise sur les processus spatiaux dans lesquels la culture est impliquée. Le champ de la géographie culturelle s'en trouve élargi et approfondi. (i) La culture est modelée par les modes de transmission qui assurent son transfert d'une génération à l'autre et donnent plus ou moins de place aux savoir-faire et aux connaissances (à l'intelligence donc) et à l'émotivité et à l'imagination (aux imaginaires donc). (ii) Elle est également modelée par les débats et confrontations d'opinion, la genèse d'identités, les jeux d'imitation et de distinction auxquels elle donne lieu, les conflits et les dynamiques de civilisation ou de déclin qu'ils entrainent. (iii) La culture se combine à d'autres processus lorsqu'elle met en jeu la matière et le vivant, produit des artefacts, se confronte à la nature, s'applique au corps humain, prend en compte le jeu des sens et façonne des paysages. (iv) Elle contribue à la mise en scène de la vie sociale. Sous sa forme actuelle, la géographie culturelle complète par une approche socio-culturelle les approches socio-économiques et socio-politiques qui l'avaient précédée.

Accepting Globalisation means accepting diffusion, but globalisation has much to offer archaeologists, i.a. a monopoly on the sources of information for the early history and nature of globalisation. Beyond that, the elementary units of globalisation are not the states and boundaries we cannot find, but rather the cultures and civilisations we do and thus, there is less of a methodological confrontation with theory. Furthermore, globalisation offers a different approach to questions of economics which vex archaeological research. Approaching history from this vantage point allows a clearer means of structuring our understanding of history by combining cognitive, political, economic, social and cultural elements relating to identity and exchange to organise spatial and temporal groupings. ; Globalisierung anzunehmen bedeutet Diffusion anzuerkennen, aber Globalisierung bietet dem Archäologen vieles, u.a. ein Monopol für die Erfassung der frühen Geschichte und Natur der Globalisierung. Wichtig ist, dass die Elementareinheiten der Globalisierung nicht die Staaten und Grenzen sind, die wir nicht finden, sondern die Kulturen und Zivilisationen die wir gut erkennen können; daraus ergibt sich weniger Streit mit sozialer Theoriebildung. Weiterhin eröffnet die Globalisierung eine Möglichkeit der Wirtschaft näher zu kommen als es bisher der Fall war. Geschichte auf diese Weise aufzufassen bedeutet die Vereinheitlichung von kognitiven, politischen, wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und kulturellen Elementen, die mit Identität und Austausch verbunden sind, um letztere räumlich und zeitlich einzugrenzen.

L'histoire de l'Egypte remonte au 4e millénaire av. JC, avec l'unification politique de la Basse et la Haute Egypte sous le règne de Namer. La civilisation égyptienne connaitra son apogée et son expansion territoriale lors du Nouvel Empire (1550 – 1070 BC). L'Egypte tombera par la suite sous l'influence de la Perse achéménide (525-402 av. J.C et 443-332 av. J.C.) puis de la Grèce hellénistique à partir de 332 av. JC. L'indépendance de l'Egypte prend fin lorsque celle-ci est finalement annexée à Rome en 30 av. J.C. Elle passera par la suite au contrôle de l'Empire romain d'Orient en 395, puis sera conquise par les armées arabes à partir de 639. Cette année marque le passage du pays à la période arabo-musulmane. L'Egypte passera par la suite sous l'emprise de différents pouvoirs, notamment ceux des Califats des Rashidun (632-661), des Omeyades (661-750), des Abbassides (750-935), des Fatimides (909-1171),le Sultanat des Ayyubides(1171-1260) et le Sultanat des Mamelouk (1250-1517). Enfin, elle sera incorporée à l'Empire ottoman à partir du XVIe siècle.

The politics of the Anthropocene has been widely debated within recent sociological theory. This article seeks to argue that Marxism, critical theory and especially the work of Herbert Marcuse have a great deal to contribute to these debates. Here, I seek to link together the recent revival of interest in the idea of the commons by the alter-globalisation movement and Marxist social theory in an attempt to challenge some of the dominant assumptions in respect of the nature/culture division and the neoliberal dominance of mainstream politics. The more critical politics of the commons would suggest both a radical politics fit for the twenty-first century and a way of understanding the environmental crisis located within critical understandings of the histories of capitalism and social movements. This is suggestive of a civilisation-based politics focused on questions of emancipation informed by political economy, a critique of the dominant consumer society and culture rather than questions of deconstruction. In the final section, I seek to explore how Marcuse's concerns remain linked to contemporary global ethical movements for change.

Les paysages d'une exposition universelle ne restituent jamais une vision neutre et objective de la nature environnante. Pour devenir un paysage, l'environnement est décomposé puis recomposé par les politiciens, les architectes, les urbanistes et les paysagistes déformant et traduisant selon leurs propres critères esthétiques une civilisation ; ceci par des mots, des langages, des plastiques et surtout une conjonction sensible entre perçu et vécu, imaginé et détourné par le jeu des représentations. À travers une exposition à venir, Dubaï 2020, proposant un portrait de ville difficilement soutenable et Osaka 2025, une exposition universelle en devenir, nous abordons les fondations mêmes d'une écofiction pour le tourisme mondial en proie à la sacro-sainte dialectique concernant les effets durables de l'éphémère. Le paysage des expositions universelles est d'une certaine façon une sorte de médiane, une trajectoire, trajective mésologique selon Augustin Berque, voulant faire d'un environnement de nature urbaine une identité propre, mais avec un caractère universel et humaniste. Néanmoins, elles portent en elles-mêmes les germes de leur propre fin ou d'un principe d'espérance à caractère utopique très souvent imparfait.

How did the transition from a world of empire to a global international system organised around the sovereign state play out? This article traces the transition over the past two centuries through an examination of membership debates in two prominent intergovernmental organisations (IGOs). IGOs are sites of contestation that play a role in the constitution of the international system. Discussions within IGOs reflect and shape broader international norms, and are one mechanism through which the international system determines questions of membership and attendant rights and obligations. The article reveals that IGO membership policies during this period reflected different compromises between the three competing principles of great power privilege, the 'standard of civilisation', and universal sovereign equality. The article contributes to Global IR as it confirms that non-Western agency was crucial in bringing about this transition. States in Africa, Asia, and Latin America championed the adoption of the sovereignty criterion. In this, paradoxically, one of the core constitutional norms of the 'European' international system – the principle of sovereign equality – was realised at the hands of non-European actors.

The politics of the Anthropocene has been widely debated within recent sociological theory. This article seeks to argue that Marxism, critical theory and especially the work of Herbert Marcuse has a great deal to contribute to these debates. Here I seek to link together the recent revival of interest in the idea of the commons by the alter-globalisation movement and Marxist social theory in an attempt to challenge some of the dominant assumptions in respect of the nature/culture division and the neoliberal dominance of mainstream politics. The more critical politics of the commons would suggest both a radical politics fit for the twenty-first century and a way of understanding the environmental crisis located within critical understandings of the histories of capitalism and social movements. This is suggestive of a civilisation based politics focused on questions of emancipation informed by political economy, a critique of the dominant consumer society and culture rather than questions of deconstruction. In the final section, I seek to explore how Marcuse's concerns remain linked to contemporary global ethical movements for change.

In recent years, there has been a growing scholarly interest in how International Relations theory can contribute to our understanding of the impact of technology on global politics, underpinned mainly by an engagement with Science and Technology Studies (STS). However, less attention has been paid to the ways in which international society shapes technology. Building on sociological and historical studies of science and technology, this article outlines one way through which international society has constituted technology by developing a synthetic account of the emergence of technological advancement as a 'standard of civilisation' in the nineteenth century that differentiated the 'society of civilised states' from non-European societies, with a particular focus on China and India. In doing so, this article also highlights how this process has had a powerful and enduring influence on Chinese and Indian conceptions about science and technology. Thus, by shifting the focus from how technology shapes global politics to how international society shapes technology, this article provides new insights into the relationship between technology, power, and modernity in an interdisciplinary context. It also offers a new way of thinking about the complex dynamics of today's global politics of technology.

In recent years, there has been a growing scholarly interest in how International Relations theory can contribute to our understanding of the impact of technology on global politics, underpinned mainly by an engagement with Science and Technology Studies (STS). However, less attention has been paid to the ways in which international society shapes technology. Building on sociological and historical studies of science and technology, this article outlines one way through which international society has constituted technology by developing a synthetic account of the emergence of technological advancement as a 'standard of civilisation' in the nineteenth century that differentiated the 'society of civilised states' from non-European societies, with a particular focus on China and India. In doing so, this article also highlights how this process has had a powerful and enduring influence on Chinese and Indian conceptions about science and technology. Thus, by shifting the focus from how technology shapes global politics to how international society shapes technology, this article provides new insights into the relationship between technology, power, and modernity in an interdisciplinary context. It also offers a new way of thinking about the complex dynamics of today's global politics of technology.

AbstractHow did the transition from a world of empire to a global international system organised around the sovereign state play out? This article traces the transition over the past two centuries through an examination of membership debates in two prominent intergovernmental organisations (IGOs). IGOs are sites of contestation that play a role in the constitution of the international system. Discussions within IGOs reflect and shape broader international norms, and are one mechanism through which the international system determines questions of membership and attendant rights and obligations. The article reveals that IGO membership policies during this period reflected different compromises between the three competing principles of great power privilege, the 'standard of civilisation', and universal sovereign equality. The article contributes to Global IR as it confirms that non-Western agency was crucial in bringing about this transition. States in Africa, Asia, and Latin America championed the adoption of the sovereignty criterion. In this, paradoxically, one of the core constitutional norms of the 'European' international system – the principle of sovereign equality – was realised at the hands of non-European actors.

Même si nous ne sommes jamais à l'abri de ruptures imprévisibles, les tendances à l'œuvre aujourd'hui et depuis plusieurs décennies laissent entrevoir un monde durablement marqué par les évolutions technologiques en cours (poursuite de l'essor des technologies de l'information, intelligence artificielle…) et dont la population sera de plus en plus urbaine. Dans ce contexte, sans préjuger de l'emprise réelle qu'aura le progrès technologique sur l'homme (augmenté ?) ni de la façon dont s'organiseront les sociétés urbaines dans ce monde hyperconnecté mais aussi soumis à des contraintes écologiques croissantes, relire les écrits de Lewis Mumford nous a paru bienvenu. Historien des sciences et de l'urbanisme, l'Américain Lewis Mumford (1895-1990) a en effet abordé, tout au long de son œuvre, des thèmes qui demeurent très actuels pour nos sociétés : technique et civilisation, le rôle clef des villes dans l'organisation sociopolitique, les perspectives ouvertes par les relations homme-machine, la nécessité d'une pensée systémique, etc. Jean Haëntjens en propose, dans ce futur d'antan, une relecture très instructive, montrant qu'il reste des marges d'action aux sociétés humaines, même les plus « techniciennes ». S.D.

Although the concept is a familiar one, it tends not to be fully accepted that
economics, and political economy in particular, is in fact a social science.
Focusing today on capital and commodities, economics does so in the light of
their being social relationships. Paul Boccara, on whose work this article
centres its attention, focused especially on the following concept: that social
relations—both in general, and in the form of market relations—are interwoven
with, and are expressions of, the rules of a general though historically
specific human nature. Furthermore, we find even in so-called free market
societies a complex apparatus that controls economic regulations, making them
possible as well as determining their thrust. The article will explain how
political life shaped Boccara personally, and how he in turn influenced the
development of political economy, basing it firmly on the methodology of Karl
Marx while applying it in new ways. The article also reflects on the need to
consider the current crisis as a crisis of civilisation, one whose economic core
is to be found in over-accumulation and devaluation on a global scale.