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This open access book offers new insights into the ageing-migration nexus and the nature of home. Documenting the hidden world of France's migrant worker hostels, it explores why older North and West African men continue to live past retirement age in this sub-standard housing. Conventional wisdom holds that at retirement labour migrants ought to instead return to their families in home countries, where their French pensions would have far greater purchasing power. This paradox is the point of departure for a book which transports readers from the banlieues of Paris to the banks of the Senegal River and the villages of the Anti-Atlas. In intimate ethnographic detail, the author brings to life the experiences of these older labour migrants by sharing in the life of the hostels as a resident, by observing at close quarters the men's family life on the other side of the Mediterranean as a guest in their homes, and even by accompanying them in their travels by bus, sea, and air. The monograph evaluates several theories of migration against rich qualitative data gathered from multiple methods: biographical narrative and semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and archival research. In the process, it offers a thoughtful contribution to broader debates on what it means for migrants to belong and achieve inclusion in society. "This book makes an important contribution to our understanding of transnationalism and integration. It also offers an unusually nuanced view of the strains that migration places on families" Christina Boswell, University of Edinburgh "A fascinating read which poignantly shows that the ageing-migration nexus is a theoretically profuse source of information about return migration, retirement and the meaning of home "Based on a prize-winning PhD thesis, and enriched by unique field research in migrant-worker hostels in France, this book engages in truly innovative fashion with the linked themes of migration, ageing and 'home'." Russell King, University of Sussex

The blog's first AI image c/o Bing: "Draw a Chinese person walking through a Panamanian jungle." A usually good indicator of an underwhelming economy is of a country's citizens departing it for greener pastures. The year is 2023, not 1882 when the US passed the Chinese Exclusion Act to stop a massive influx of Chinese immigrants. Moreover, isn't the 21st century supposed to have been the Asian Century according to some prognosticators? My belief is that policy missteps by Xi Jinping have greatly dented the forward momentum of China in recent decades, recently exacerbated by endless lockdowns during the COVID-19 pandemic. At any rate, you may be surprised that the PRC--not some Latin American country--now ranks fourth in sending folks across the Darién Gap linking South and Central America with hopes of entering the United States. From the Associated Press: Chinese
people were the fourth-highest nationality, after Venezuelans,
Ecuadorians, and Haitians, crossing the Darién Gap during the first nine
months of this year, according to Panamanian immigration authorities. Chinese
asylum-seekers who spoke to The Associated Press, as well as observers,
say they are seeking to escape an increasingly repressive political
climate and bleak economic prospects.They
also reflect a broader presence of migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border —
Asians, South Americans, and Africans — who made September the
second-highest month of illegal crossings and the U.S. government's 2023
budget year the second-highest on record.As bad as things may be Stateside, let's say they are decidedly worse in China (where you certainly aren't free in a conventional sense). The pandemic and China's COVID-19 policies, which included tight border
controls, temporarily stemmed the exodus that rose dramatically in 2018
when President Xi Jinping amended the constitution to scrap the
presidential term limit. Now emigration has resumed, with China's economy struggling to rebound and youth unemployment high. The United Nations has projected China will lose 310,000 people through emigration this year, compared with 120,000 in 2012..."This
wave of emigration reflects despair toward China," Cai Xia,
editor-in-chief of the online commentary site of Yibao and a former
professor at the Central Party School of the Chinese Communist Party in
Beijing."They've
lost hope for the future of the country," said Cai, who now lives in
the U.S. "You see among them the educated and the uneducated,
white-collar workers, as well as small business owners, and those from
well-off families."Those
who can't get a visa are finding other ways to flee the world's most
populous nation. Many are showing up at the U.S.-Mexico border to seek
asylum. The Border Patrol made 22,187 arrests of Chinese for crossing
the border illegally from Mexico from January through September, nearly
13 times the same period in 2022. Arrests peaked at 4,010 in September,
up 70% from August. The vast majority were single adults.A common route involves landing in Ecuador and then continuing northward to reach the border: The
popular route to the U.S. is through Ecuador, which has no visa
requirements for Chinese nationals. Migrants from China join Latin
Americans there to trek north through the once-impenetrable Darién and
across several Central American countries before reaching the U.S.
border. The journey is well-known enough it has its own name in Chinese:
walk the line, or "zouxian." The monthly number of Chinese migrants crossing the Darién has been
rising gradually, from 913 in January to 2,588 in September. For the
first nine months of this year, Panamanian immigration authorities
registered 15,567 Chinese citizens crossing the Darién. By comparison,
2,005 Chinese people trekked through the rainforest in 2022, and just
376 in total from 2010 to 2021.If there is something that will shame the PRC into adopting sensible economic policies that benefit its general population, then its citizens fleeing China for distant America en masse during its supposed renaissance should be it. In the final analysis, the folks who've made China uninvestable are the PRC's leaders and not some malign foreign influence these leaders like to blame. The fruits of Xi Jinpingism are plain to see at the US-Mexico border.

U petom godištu "Jevrejskog Almanaha" iz 1929 godine dr Leopold Fischer objavio je treći deo iz građe o jevrejskoj dijaspori koju je prikupljao dugi niz godina iz mnogobrojnih knjiga, časopisa, rasprava i članaka. U prva dva dela opisao je jevrejsko stanovništvo u nekoliko zemalja Azije, njihov politički i društveni položaj, način života i istoriju njihovog naseljavanja. U ovom članku nastavlja sa opisom jevrejske dijaspore u zemljama Afrike. Najveći deo opisa posvećen je Egiptu u kome je nekada bila kolevka jevrejskog naroda. U kratkom istorijskom pregledu dr Fisher navodi da je posle izlaska jevrejskog naroda iz zemlje u kojoj su bili robovi, Egipat vekovima ostao bez Jevreja. Posle razorenja Jerusalema 586. godine mnogobrojni Jevreji na čelu sa prorokom Jeremijom, izbegli su u Egipat i tamo osnovali prve jevrejske opštine. Od tog vremena Jevreji se kontinuirano naseljavaju, nekada u manjem broju a nekada u većim talasima u zavisnosti od istorijskih okolnosti, kao što je bio izgon iz Španije. Jevreji koji žive u Egiptu nisu ujedinjeni ni kulturno ni jezički ni društveno i mogu se podeliti u dve grupe - na egipatske i na evropske Jevreje. Egipatski Jevreji čine nadmoćnu većinu Jevreja u zemlji. Oni se opet dele na dve grupe: arapske Jevreje koji govore naročitim narečjem arapskog jezika, i španske Jevreje koji govore španski. Obe grupe čine "Sefardim". Oni su u čvrsto povezani sa političkim, društvenim i privrednim životom Egipta, veoma su imućni i pripadaju elitnom društvu Egipta. Mnogo manja grupa evropskih Jevreja je raznolika. Sastavljena je od italijanskih, grčkih, francuskih i austrijskih Jevreji kao i od jedne male istočno-jevrejske grupa, koja se naziva "Aškenazim" i govori jidiš. Iako Jevreji Egipta govore zvaničnim arapskim jezikom, u krugu porodice govore na jevrejsko-arapskom, španskom, jidišu, ili na jeziku zemlje iz koje su došli. Kairo i Aleksandrija imaju mnogobrojne sinagoge a osim javnih postoje i privatne sinagoge. Dr Fisher ističe da su i neke poznate jevrejske ličnosti živele ili posećivale Egipat kao npr. Majmonides po kome je glavna sinagoga u orijentalnoj četvrti dobila naziv. Interesantan je opis običaja pojedinih grupa, njihove nošnje, obrazovanja i kulturnog života a posebno položaja žena koji je isto tako nepovoljan kao i u njihovom arapskom okruženju. Osim u Egiptu Jevreji su se naselili i u drugim zemljama Severne Afrike. Dr Fischer prikazuje iscrpan istorijat njihovog doseljavanja a posebno govori o "belim" Jevrejima koji žive dublje prema unutrašnjosti Afrike sve do ekvatora. Čak i u oazama čitave severnoafričke Sahare ima mnogo Jevreja koji su uspeli da ostanu homogeni u mnogo brojnijem okruženju berberskog stanovništva. ; In the fifth year of the "Jewish Almanac" from 1929, Dr. Leopold Fischer published the third part of the material on the Jewish diaspora, which he collected for many years from numerous books, magazines, discussions, and articles. In the first two parts, he described the Jewish population in several Asian countries, their political and social position, way of life, and the history of their settlement. In this article, he continues with a description of the Jewish diaspora in African countries. Most of the description is dedicated to Egypt, which was once the cradle of the Jewish people. In a brief historical review, Dr. Fischer states that after the Jewish people left the country where they were slaves, Egypt was left without Jews for centuries. After the destruction of Jerusalem in 586, many Jews, led by the prophet Jeremiah, fled to Egypt and founded the first Jewish communities there. Since that time, Jews have been continuously settling, sometimes in smaller numbers and sometimes in larger waves depending on historical circumstances, such as the expulsion from Spain. Jews living in Egypt are not united culturally, linguistically, or socially and can be divided into two groups - Egyptian and European Jews. Egyptian Jews make up the vast majority of Jews in the country and they are divided into two groups: Arab Jews who speak a special dialect of Arabic, and Spanish Jews who speak Spanish. Both groups make up "Sephardim". They are firmly connected with the political, social, and economic life of Egypt, are very wealthy, and belong to the elite society of Egypt. A much smaller group of European Jews is diverse. It is composed of Italian, Greek, French and Austrian Jews as well as a small East Jewish group, called "Ashkenazim" and speaks Yiddish. Although the Jews of Egypt speak the official Arabic language, in the family circle they speak Hebrew-Arabic, Spanish, Yiddish, or the language of the country they came from. Cairo and Alexandria have numerous synagogues and in addition to public synagogues, there are also private synagogues. Dr. Fisher points out that some famous Jewish personalities also lived or visited Egypt, such as Maimonides, after whom the main synagogue in the oriental quarter was named. It is interesting to describe the customs of certain groups, their costumes, education, and cultural life, and especially the position of women, which is just as unfavorable as in their Arab environment. Apart from Egypt, Jews also settled in other North African countries. Dr. Fischer presents an exhaustive history of their immigration and especially talks about "white" Jews who live deeper into the interior of Africa all the way to the equator. Even in the oases of the entire North African Sahara, there are many Jews who have managed to remain homogeneous in the much larger environment of the Berber population.

The racist legacy behind the Western idea of freedomThe era of the Enlightenment, which gave rise to our modern conceptions of freedom and democracy, was also the height of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. America, a nation founded on the principle of liberty, is also a nation built on African slavery, Native American genocide, and systematic racial discrimination. White Freedom traces the complex relationship between freedom and race from the eighteenth century to today, revealing how being free has meant being white.Tyler Stovall explores the intertwined histories of racism and freedom in France and the United States, the two leading nations that have claimed liberty as the heart of their national identities. He explores how French and American thinkers defined freedom in racial terms and conceived of liberty as an aspect and privilege of whiteness. He discusses how the Statue of Liberty—a gift from France to the United States and perhaps the most famous symbol of freedom on Earth—promised both freedom and whiteness to European immigrants. Taking readers from the Age of Revolution to today, Stovall challenges the notion that racism is somehow a paradox or contradiction within the democratic tradition, demonstrating how white identity is intrinsic to Western ideas about liberty. Throughout the history of modern Western liberal democracy, freedom has long been white freedom.A major work of scholarship that is certain to draw a wide readership and transform contemporary debates, White Freedom provides vital new perspectives on the inherent racism behind our most cherished beliefs about freedom, liberty, and human rights

Contents: Mircea BRIE: Ethnicity, Religion and Intercultural Dialogue in the European Border Space; Ioan HORGA: Ethnicity, Religion and Intercultural Education in the Curricula of European Studies; Victoria BEVZIUC: Electoral Systems and Minorities Representations in the Eastern European Area; Sergiu CORNEA, Valentina CORNEA: Administrative Tools in the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Ethnic Minorities; Florica STEFĂNESCU: Demographic Determinants of the Economic-Financial Crisis; Yurjy YURIYCHUK: Ukrainian Minority in Romania: Problems of National Identity Preserving; Sonia CATRINA: Identity Perceptions and Buildings of the Hungarian Minority in Relationship with the Romanian Majority Identifications; Gheorghe SISESTEAN: Marital Strategies and Identity Changes of Romanians in Hungary
(Hajdu-Bihar); Constantin-Vasile łOCA: Ethnical Analysis within Bihor-Hajdú Bihar Euroregion; Anna GORBAN: Ethnic and Socio-Cultural Aspects of Political Culture in Moldova; Mircea BRIE, István POLGÁR: Dual Citizenship Granted to Hungarian Ethnics. Context and Arguments in the Romanian and Hungarian Mass Media; Natalia PUTINĂ: The Socio-Political Dilemas of Integration of Gagauz in Republic of Moldova; Aurelian LAVRIC: Romanian Ethnic Minority in Ukraine: Current Issues and Prospects of Survival; Stelian NISTOR, Sorin SIPOS: Historical and Geographical Considerations about the Slovak Communities in the Villages of Upper Bistra Valley, Bihor County; Judit MOLNÁR: The integration Process of Immigrants in Scotland, UK and in Washington State, USA. Immigrants from Countries of the Former Soviet Union; Valeriu MOSNEAGA, Rodica RUSU: Diaspora as an Element of Cultural-Ethnic Cohesion; Valentina-Tania DUNA, Dacian DUNA: War, Migration and Societal Security: The Case of the Iraqi Kurdish Diasporas
in Europe; Adrian-Claudiu POPOVICIU: Labour Migration Reflected in the Council of Europe Law; Alexandra CSEKE: Integration of Immigrants in the European Union; Kobasheni Moopen PARUMAUL: Migration in Europe Against the Backdrop of the Global Revolution - An African Perspective; Anatoliy KRUGLASOV: Interethnic Relations Stability on the Ukraine-Romania Border: A Case of Chernivtsi Region; Dorin I. DOLGHI: The Culture of Security: Perceptions and Preference Formation in the European Union; Srimayee DAM: Re-interpreting the Civic-Ethnic Divide on the European Identity; Pavlo MOLOCHKO: Peculiarities of Ethnonational Policy of Ukraine (Illustrated by the Example of the Chernivtsi Region); Dragos DĂRĂBĂNEANU: Ethnicity and Multicultural Communication in Shaping the European Social Space; Grigore SILASI, Monica BOLDEA: The Romanian Banat Region - An Example of Peaceful Interethnic Cohabitation at the Eastern Border of the European Union; Floare CHIPEA, Raluca MICLEA: The Social Frameworks of the Neighbourhood Relationships' Construction in the Cross-Border Area Bihor-Hajdú-Bihár; Sergiu BĂLłĂTESCU: Subjective Well-Being and Satisfaction with Places of Residence in the Counties at the Cross-Border Between Hungary and Romania; Aurora BENCIC, Teodor Ioan HODOR: Transdniestria. Ethnic Conflict or Geopolitical Interests?; Ecaterina CEBAN: The Role of Political Parties in Harmonization of Interethnic Relations (Case of the Republic of Moldova); Nataliya NECHAYEVA-YURIYCHUK: National Development Beyond the Nation-State: Problems and Prospects; Elisabetta NADALUTTI: Old and New Identities in the Upper Adriatic: is a Cross-Border Kind of Citizenship Emerging in Cross-Border Regions?; Dragos Lucian IVAN: Differentiated Containment: Compass and Horizon in Untying Ethhnicity and Interest within EU; Claudia Anamaria IOV: The Roma Minority - the Prospects and Limits of EU's Social Policy, what Could or Should the EU be Doing?; George ANGLIłOIU: The Belgian Dilemma of Partition. A Pattern Study for the East.

Understanding how the Spanish state and the Canary Islands dealt with the cayuco crisis and its aftermath is instructional for the current migrant crisis facing Europe. Employing the theoretical lenses of liberal intergovernmentalism and neo-institutionalism, this article studies how the EU has shaped the governance of migration policy using both hard and soft governance. Hard governance refers to coercive legally imposed mechanisms, whereas soft governance may be cooperation or voluntary adoption of EU models. During the cayuco crisis, as thousands of African migrants arrived to the Canary Islands, the Spanish government sought assistance from the EU and its member states via Frontex, and adopted the EU's externalization of migration policy with Plan Africa, an aid package to stop immigration at its source. Both Frontex and Plan Africa were EU policy prescriptions, that exhibit EU soft governance and the Europeanization of migration policy. As a result, Spain achieved its goal of stopping the flow of irregular migrants, yet the state remained the main actor in migration policy, as liberal intergovernmentalists assert. However, the EU-inspired policies that Spain ultimately adopted during the cayuco crisis have been emulated in the current migrant crisis, inspiring a model for present and future migration policies in Europe. ; Entender cómo el Estado español y las Islas Canarias lidiaron con la crisis de los cayucos y sus consecuencias es esencial para comprender la actual crisis migratoria a la que se enfrenta Europa. Empleando las lentes teóricas del intergubernamentalismo liberal y el neoinstitucionalismo, este artículo estudia cómo la UE ha configurado la gobernanza de la política migratoria utilizando gobernanza dura y blanda. Gobernanza dura se refiere a los mecanismos coercitivos legalmente impuestos, mientras que la gobernanza blanda puede ser la cooperación o la adopción voluntaria de modelos de la UE. Durante la crisis del cayuco, cuando miles de inmigrantes irregulares africanos llegaron a las Islas Canarias, el Gobierno español buscó el apoyo de los Estados miembro a través de Frontex y adoptó la externalización de la política de migración de la UE con el Plan África, un paquete de ayuda para detener la inmigración en su lugar de origen. Tanto Frontex como el Plan África fueron modelos políticos de la UE, lo que demuestra la gobernanza blanda de la UE y la europeización de la política migratoria. Como resultado, España logró su objetivo de detener el flujo de inmigrantes irregulares, pero el Estado siguió siendo el principal actor en la política migratoria, tal y como afirman los autores intergubernamentales liberales. Sin embargo, las políticas inspiradas en la UE que finalmente adoptó España durante la crisis del cayuco se han emulado en la actual crisis migratoria, inspirando un modelo para las políticas migratorias presentes y futuras en Europa.

I 'foreign fighters' sono un gruppo estremamente eterogeneo di migliaia di persone che proviene da un centinaio di paesi in tutto il mondo. Questa ondata di miliziani si muove dai propri paesi di origine, o di immigrazione, per cercare di raggiungere altri estremisti radicali in Siria ed Iraq. Attualmente circa 30.000 persone hanno già raggiunto quelle terre dove nel 2014 è stato fondato il Califfato e tra morti in battaglia, bombardamenti e foreign fighters di ritorno ad oggi nello spazio compreso tra Siria ed Iraq ve ne potrebbero essere ancora circa dodicimila. Tra costoro circa 4-5.000 verrebbero dai Paesi dell'Unione Europea e quasi 3-4.000 da solamente Francia, Germania, Regno Unito e Belgio. Le cifre vanno prese con molta cautela e variano a seconda della fonte utilizzata. La variabilità dei dati è molto ampia anche per quanto concerne le cifre fornite sui rientri in Europa. Secondo le autorità italiane dovrebbero essere un migliaio circa. L'identikit che descrive i 'foreign fighters' provenienti dai Paesi europei è abbastanza chiaro: per lo più si tratta di soggetti giovani e di sesso maschile, ma le donne pare costituiscono una quota decisamente significativa del gruppo dei foreign fighters, vale a dire il 17%. Sono per lo più di origine maghrebina o balcanica ma non mancano quelli di origine asiatica. Soprattutto tra coloro, che provengono dal Regno Unito, il livello di istruzione e lo status socio-economico, generalmente basso, si fa più elevato. ; Foreign fighters (FF) are an extremely heterogeneous group composed of thousands of people from a hundred countries worldwide. This wave of militia moves from their countries of origin and immigration, to reach other radical extremists in Syria and Iraq, where in 2014 was established the Caliphate. About 30,000 FF have already reached these lands - - and at the present, after bombings and battles, and returns, around twelve thousand FF might still be in the region. Among them, about 4-5,000 are estimated to be from EU countries, of which 3-4,000 from France, Germany, United Kingdom and Belgium only. These figures should be taken with great caution, because they vary depending on the source used. The variability of the data is very wide with regard to figures on return waves to Europe Italian authorities estimate the number of FF that have already found their way back to Europe to be approximately one thousand. The profile of the FF coming from European countries is quite clear: they are mostly young males, although women seem to account for ~ 17% of total FFs. Their origin is mostly from North African or Balkan countries, but there are also those of Asian descent. Generally, the education level and socioeconomic status among FFs are generally low; interestingly however they seem higher among the United Kingdom's militias.

Este artículo analiza las obras Soy Cuba y Verano de la artista cubana Gertrudis Rivalta y Soy: un cuerpo tatuado y Fronteras de la puertorriqueña Brenda Cruz, en las que ambas creadoras, que emigraron a España hace casi dos décadas, problematizan acerca de los movimientos migratorios, la raza, la identidad cultural y la ciudadanía en el Caribe hispano, profundizando en nociones como la de "mulata", "transculturación" y "otredad" desde una perspectiva de género, decolonial y autobiográfica. Teniendo en cuenta su condición de mujeres, mulatas, caribeñas, migrantes y artistas, utilizan sus proyectos creativos como altavoz desde cual reivindicar visibilidad e igualdad para los sujetos afrodescendientes, tanto dentro como fuera del Caribe, especialmente de las mujeres, reconociendo a la mulata como símbolo de la hibridez de sus naciones, en donde la herencia africana es tan importante como la española/europea; a la par que critican la imagen estereotipada y prejuiciosa que de la mujer caribeña se tiene en Occidente, así como de todos sus ciudadanos y del Caribe en general -especialmente perceptible cuando se vive en la diáspora, como ellas. Asimismo, en dos de las obras objeto de estudio cuestionan la eficacia de los gobiernos ante el problema de la inmigración, criticando la insensibilidad de la sociedad receptora hacia el drama de sus protagonistas, así como los abusos y precariedad a la que éstos son sometidos para optar a un futuro mejor, y nuevamente al estatus de "ciudadano". ; ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the works I am Cuba and Summer by Cuban artist Gertrudis Rivalta and I am: a Tattooed Body and Borders by Puerto Rican artist Brenda Cruz. In these works, both creators, who migrated to Spain almost two decades ago, problematize issues around migratory movements, race, cultural identity and citizenship in the Hispanic Caribbean, delving into notions such as "mulata", "transculturation" and "the Other" from a gendered, decolonial and autobiographical perspective. Taking into account their identities as women, mulatas, Caribbean, migrant and artists, they use their creative projects as a speaker from which to reclaim visibility and equality for Afro-descendants subjects, inside as well as outside the Caribbean, especially for women. They recognize the mulata as a symbol of hybridity in their nations, where the African heritage is as important as the Spanish/ European one. At the same time, they criticize the stereotypical and biased image that Caribbean women (and Caribbean citizens in general and even the Caribbean as a whole) have in the Western world, which is especially salient for Caribbean people living in the diaspora, like them. Additionally, in two of the works studied here, they question the effectiveness of governments in dealing with the problem of immigration, and they criticize the insensitivity of the host society towards the drama the immigrants are living as well as the abuses and precariousness to which they are subjected in order to obtain a better future and the status of "citizen".

How diversity initiatives end up marginalizing Arab Americans and US Muslims One of Donald Trump's first actions as President was to sign an executive order to limit Muslim immigration to the United States, a step toward the "complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States" he had campaigned on. This extraordinary act of Islamophobia provoked unprecedented opposition: Hollywood movies and mainstream television shows began to feature more Muslim characters in contexts other than terrorism; universities and private businesses included Muslims in their diversity initiatives; and the criminal justice system took hate crimes against Muslims more seriously. Yet Broken argues that, even amid this challenge to institutionalized Islamophobia, diversity initiatives fail on their promise by only focusing on crisis moments.Evelyn Alsultany argues that Muslims get included through "crisis diversity," where high-profile Islamophobic incidents are urgently responded to and then ignored until the next crisis. In the popular cultural arena of television, this means interrogating even those representations of Muslims that others have celebrated as refreshingly positive. What kind of message does it send, for example, when a growing number of "good Muslims" on TV seem to have arrived there, ironically, only after leaving the faith? In the realm of corporations, she critically examines the firing of high-profile individuals for anti-Muslim speech—a remedy that rebrands corporations as anti-racist while institutional racism remains intact. At universities, Muslim students get included in diversity, equity, and inclusion plans but that gets disrupted if they are involved in Palestinian rights activism. Finally, she turns to turns to hate crime laws revealing how they fail to address root causes. In each of these arenas, Alsultany finds an institutional pattern that defangs the promise of Muslim inclusion, deferring systemic change until and through the next "crisis."

Global urban health: inequalities: vulnerabilities, and challenges in the 21st century / Igor Vojnovic, Amber L. Pearson, Gershim Asiki, Geoffrey DeVerteuil and Adriana Allen -- Urban health in the US and UK: the long 19th century / Susan Craddock and Tim Brown -- Sin in the city: an urban history of medicine and modern morality in Turkey / Emine Ó. Evered and Kyle T. Evered -- Healthcare and the city: a North American perspective / Mark W. Rosenberg -- Delivering urban health through urban planning and design / Laurence Carmichael -- Cities, immigration, and the patient protection and affordable care act / Michael K. Gusmano -- Voluntary sector and urban health systems / Andrew Power and Mark Skinner -- Urban policies and health in Latin America and the Caribbean / S. Claire Slesinski, Adriana C. Lein, Ana V. Diez Roux and Waleska T. Caiaffa -- Access to healthcare for the urban poor in Nairobi, Kenya: harnessing the role of the private sector in informal settlements and a human rights-based approach to health policy / Pauline Bakibinga and Elizabeth Bakibinga-Gaswaga -- Medical travel/tourism and the city / Meghann Ormond and Heidi Kaspar -- The health system and immigrants: a focus on urban France / Anne-Cécile Hoyez, Céline Bergeon and Clélia Gasquet-Blanchard -- Urban mental health / James Lowe -- Children's resilience and mental health in the urban context / Maureen Mooney -- Welfare facilities and happiness of the elderly in urban Korea / Danya Kim and Jangik Jin -- Public space and pedestrian stress perception: insights from Darmstadt, Germany / Martin Knöll, Marianne Halblaub Miranda, Thomas Cleff and Annette Rudolph-Cleff -- Cities and indigenous communities: the health and wellbeing of urban Maori in Aotearooa New Zealand / John Ryks, Naomi Simmonds and Jesse Whitehead -- Landscape restructuring in the shrinking city and implications for mental health / Jared Olson, Lora Daskalska, Kelly Hoormann and Kirsten Beyer -- Challenges to public health in the Favelas of metropolitan Rio de Janeiro, Brazil / Robert E. Snyder, Kathryn L. Lovero, Claudete A.A. Cardoso, Lee W. Riley and Alon Unger -- Taking action to improve indigenous health in the cities of Québec and elsewhere in Canada: the example of the Minowé Clinic at the Val-d'Or Native Friendship Centre / Carole Lévesque, Édith Cloutier, Ioana Radu, Dominique Parent-Manseau, Stéphane Laroche and Natasha Blanchet-Cohen -- Refugees and health: a European urban context / Gordana Rabrenovic, Danijela V. Spasic and Tibrine da Fonseca -- Refugees and health in urban Africa / Sheru Wanyua Muuo -- The urban hierarchy and spatial relationships between poverty and cancer: does location error matter? / Monghyeon Lee, Yongwan Chun and David A. Griffith -- African cities and ebola / Zacchaeus Anywaine and Ggayi Abubaker Mustapher -- Pedestrian injuries in cities: a global perspective / Marie-Soleil Cloutier and Andrew Howard -- Alcohol availability and crime in post-disaster Christchurch, New Zealand: implications for health in cities / Gregory D. Breetzke and Amber L. Pearson -- Urban gun violence / Janice A. Iwama and Jack McDevitt -- European street gangs and urban violence / Keir Irwin-Robers, Scott Decker, Amir Rostami, Svetlana Stephenson and Elke Van Hellemont -- Neighbourhood recovery and community wellbeing in cities following natural disasters: findings from Christchurch, New Zealand / Vivienne Ivory, Chris Bowie, Clare Robertson and Amber L. Pearson -- Urban slums, drinking water, and health: trends and lessons from sub-Saharan Africa / Ellis Adjei Adams, Heather PRice and Justin Stoler -- A greening but unequal city: environmental exposure disparities, gentrified inequalities, and public health in Seattle, Washington / Jonah White and Troy Abel -- Fighting for urban environmental health justice in Southside (Los Sures) Williamsburg, Brooklyn: a community-engaged pilot study / Ivan J. Ramírez, Ana Baptista, Jieun Lee, Ana Traverso-Krejcarek and Andreah Santos -- Ambient air pollution and health effects in Shanghai: trend, challenges and opportunities / Wei Tu, Zhijing Lin, Lili Du, Haidong Kan and Weichun Ma -- Transport, urban regeneration and health / Julie Clark and Angela Curl -- Rice, men, and other everyday anxieties: navigating obesogenic urban food environments in Osaka, Japan / Cindi SturtzSreetharan and Alexandra Brewis -- The built environment, physical activity, and obesity: exploring burdens on vulnerable U.S. populations / Igor Vojnovic, Zeenat Kotval-K, Jieun Lee, Jeanette Eckert, Jiang Chang, Wei Liu, Xiaomeng Li and Arika Ligmann-Zielinska -- Publib health challenges with sub-Saharan African informal settlements: a case study of malaria in Yaoundé / Roland Ngom -- Health-oriented urban planning in Germany: urban planning and design approaches going beyond professional boundaries / Angela Million and Andrea Rüdiger -- Flint, Michigan's food crisis: retail abandonment, social and economic burdens, and local food-oriented solutions / Richard C. Sadler -- Housing and urban health: a Los Angeles study / Edith Huarita and Victoria Basolo.

This dissertation is situated within a field of cultural studies that seeks to develop a broader understanding of the political stakes of twentieth- and twenty-first century debates over who can travel. This line of inquiry responds to the persistent tendency in travel writing over the course of the century to exclude certain subjects in movement from the role of the traveler. The question, "What is travel?" is often treated in both literary texts and criticism as a philosophical or abstract question, stripped of its historical and political implications. I ask, what is the relationship between this effort to restrict the identity of the traveler and France's imperialist history? How and why are non-European subjects denied the status of traveler, and how does the debate over the traveler / tourist binary, which has received more critical attention, relate to the reification of colonial and postcolonial subjects in the role of the "sedentary native"? Taking these questions as a point of departure, this dissertation explores how the theoretical opposition between the dynamic traveler and the passive travelee is constructed, undermined, and directly challenged in texts belonging to a wide variety of genres, from the historical novel to the Oulipian literary exercise to autofiction. The first part of the dissertation considers representations of travel at the "apogee" of the French Empire in the early 1930s. In Chapter One, I analyze how the 1931 Colonial Exposition, in framing a visit to the fair as a voyage around the world, both reifies the identity of the European visitor to the fair (indigenous to the metropole) as a traveler and reinforces the notion that the colonial subjects imported to perform the role of the "natives" at the fair (many of whom had traveled thousands of miles to reach Paris) could never occupy the role of the traveler. Chapter Two moves across genres to André Malraux's adventure novel La voie royale (1930). I show how this modernist text--while continuing to exclude colonial subjects from the role of the traveler--nevertheless challenges the association of Europeans with dynamism and progress so central to the rhetoric of the mission civilisatrice. The second part of the dissertation analyzes texts from the last quarter of the century that reconfigure ideas of travel. In Chapter Three, I demonstrate how Maryse Condé's two-volume historical novel Ségou (1984-85) challenges the myth of African ahistoricity that emerges from both colonial historiographies and certain Negritude discourses through its narration of histories of travel in West Africa and throughout the Diaspora. In contrast to the representation of West African cultural spaces at the Exposition through an essentialized, monolithic architecture, the figure of the city in Ségou is a site of cultural exchange and hybridity. Chapter Four turns to two works published during the mid-1970s: a watershed moment for the history of tourism and immigration in the twentieth century. I juxtapose Georges Perec's Tentative d'épuisement d'un lieu parisien (1975)--an account of several days spent sitting in the Place Saint-Sulpice--with Rachid Boudjedra's Topographie idéale pour une agression caractérisée (1975), which narrates an unnamed emigrant's struggle to navigate the subterranean labyrinth of the Paris metro. I explore how Perec's encounters with tourists circulating through the Place Saint-Sulpice can shed light on the ways in which native Parisians respond to the presence of Boudjedra's protagonist in the metropolitan capital. In both texts, interactions between Parisians and travelers to Paris are shaped by the natives' anxiety over the perceived globalization of mobility in the 1970s. In Chapter Five, I examine a pair of texts representing urban itineraries in the French capital at the turn of the century: Bessora's 53 cm (1999) and Patrick Modiano's Dora Bruder (1999). By reimagining Paris as a site of travel, the location of multiple histories and cultures, the texts read in this last chapter fundamentally undermine the oppositions between "here" and "elsewhere," home and abroad, traveler and native, and more broadly speaking, between travel and dwelling, which have defined colonial and neocolonial ideas of travel throughout the twentieth century. Finally, in the Afterword, I suggest how an approach to travel literature structured around close attention to historical context can inform contemporary debates over the disciplinary boundaries of French / Francophone Studies.

"The era of the Enlightenment, which gave rise to our modern conceptions of freedom and democracy, was also the height of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. America, a nation founded on the principle of liberty, is also a nation built on African slavery, Native American genocide, and systematic racial discrimination. White Freedom traces the complex relationship between freedom and race from the eighteenth century to today, revealing how being free has meant being white. Tyler Stovall explores the intertwined histories of racism and freedom in France and the United States, the two leading nations that have claimed liberty as the heart of their national identities. He explores how French and American thinkers defined freedom in racial terms and conceived of liberty as an aspect and privilege of whiteness. He discusses how the Statue of Liberty-a gift from France to the United States and perhaps the most famous symbol of freedom on Earth-promised both freedom and whiteness to European immigrants. Taking readers from the Age of Revolution to today, Stovall challenges the notion that racism is somehow a paradox or contradiction within the democratic tradition, demonstrating how white identity is intrinsic to Western ideas about liberty. Throughout the history of modern Western liberal democracy, freedom has long been white freedom. A major work of scholarship that is certain to draw a wide readership and transform contemporary debates, White Freedom provides vital new perspectives on the inherent racism behind our most cherished beliefs about freedom, liberty, and human rights"--