Suchergebnisse

Lo scopo di questo studio è stato quello di proporre un modo diverso di intendere le ZTL (Zone a Traffico Limitato), sia dal punto di vista della loro pianificazione sia dal punto di vista tecnologico e gestionale. Si intende puntare a risultati concreti e innovativi, ricercando strumenti, processi e soluzioni per il miglioramento della pianificazione, organizzazione e gestione delle ZTL. In particolare, si affronta il tema del road pricing e del parking pricing e di come questi strumenti si possono integrare all'interno del sistema trasportistico già esistente. A fronte di questi temi si vuole proporre un modello di pricing innovativo, sia dal punto di vista tecnologico sia metodologico, che tiene conto da un lato della fattibilità tecnico-economica e dell'altro dell'aspetto della mobilità e dell'impatto ambientale in area urbana. Si vuole realizzare un sistema efficiente, flessibile ed economico nel quale vengono abbandonate le vecchie tecniche di controllo degli accessi, come la lettura automatica delle targhe ai gate d'ingresso all'area ANPR (Automatic Number Plate Recognition), poiché molto costose e invasive da un punto di vista infrastrutturale. Si propone un sistema di controllo e gestione intelligente delle tariffe delle aree di sosta, come soluzione sostitutiva alle politiche attuali di pricing all'interno delle aree a traffico limitato. Parte fondamentale della proposta è la metodologia per la determinazione e l'ottimizzazione della tariffa di parcheggio, che, integrata da regole di buona progettazione, consente di ottenere una buona soluzione in maniera relativamente veloce. L'approccio seguito per risolvere il problema di progetto in esame è di tipo misto Algoritmico-Euristico, il quale, attraverso l'ottimizzazione di una funzione obiettivo sottoposta a vincoli, consente di trovare la soluzione. Un principio fondamentale di questa politica di pricing è il riutilizzo delle entrate principalmente per due scopi: rafforzare i sistemi di trasporto pubblico locale per le coppie OD con maggior domanda di mobilità e incentivare la modalità "park and ride". Tale metodologia è applicata alla città di Palermo, per evidenziare potenzialità e limiti del modello. Per l'applicazione del metodo si è deciso di utilizzare software gratuiti e open source, sia per rispettare le direttive in tema di spending rewiev delle Pubbliche Amministrazioni, sia per consentire a qualsiasi Ente di poter effettuare una progettazione in house senza il ricorso ad applicativi costosi e complessi. In particolare si è utilizzato il software open source di analisi territoriale QGis (Quantum Gis), che ha permesso, oltre alla costruzione del grafo, un'analisi ed elaborazione dei dati più approfondita. Per quanto concerne la fase di assegnazione della domanda all'offerta di trasporto si è utilizzato l'applicativo gratuito AxE. I risultati dell'applicazione dimostrano che il metodo, in maniera molto semplice e relativamente veloce, permette di ottenere una proposta di rimodulazione del sistema di tariffazione delle aree di sosta, che rende l'area cittadina individuata non più soffocata dal traffico automobilistico privato. ; The purpose of this study has been to develop a different conception of LTZ (Limited Traffic Zone): new methods of design, management and technology. It intends to focus on concrete and innovative results, searching tools, processes and solutions for improving the planning, organization and management of LTZ. In particular, it addresses the issue of road pricing and parking pricing and how these tools can be integrated within the existing transport system. It proposes an innovative pricing model from the point of view technological and methodological. It is takes into account the technical and economic feasibility, of the mobility and of the environmental impact in the area urban. It wants to make a system efficient, flexible and low cost. It does not want to use the ANPR (Automatic Number Plate Recognition) system, because their infrastructural are very expensive and invasive. This study proposes a control system and intelligent management of the rates of parking spaces, such as alternative solution to the current pricing policy within the restricted traffic areas. An important part of the proposal is the methodology for the calculation and optimization of the parking fees. The methodology is integrated by the rules of good design, which allows you to get a good solution relatively quickly. The problem is solved with a mixed model (Algorithmic-Heuristic) that through the optimization of an objective function subject to constraints allows you to find the solution. A basic principle of this pricing policy is the re-use of revenue for two main purposes: to strengthen local public transport systems on the OD pairs that show high travel demand and to incentivize the park and ride mode. This methodology has been applied to the city of Palermo for to highlight the potential and limitations of the model. For the application of the method, it was decided to use free and open source software. In particular, it was used the open source software for spatial analysis QGIS (Quantum GIS ). It has allowed building the graph and analyzing and processing the results. Finally, the free application AxE was used for the assignment of demand to supply of transport. The results of the application show that in a very simple, and relatively fast, is possible to get a proposal for the modification of the parking pricing scheme. These results could make the city center no longer stifled by private car traffic.

This dissertation presents a holistic approach for exploring, analyzing, solving, and circumventing the barriers to the integration and adoption of ICT in relation to the learning environments of secondary educational institutions in rural Bangladesh. It contributes to the fields of ICT for development (ICT4D) and educational technology in the scope and findings as follows. The current literature lacks a holistic understanding of the complexities of the barriers that are rooted and entangled across individual, social, and organizational policies and power structures. Moreover, there is an absence of empirical studies for the diffusion of ICT using mixed methods, methodological appropriation, and practical diffusion strategy identification. Therefore, I have taken my motivation from the "Vision 2021: Digital Bangladesh" initiatives and consider that ICT is a relatively new field in the secondary education systems (i.e., covering grades 6–12) in Bangladesh. Having positioned this investigation within the transformative paradigm, I took six strategic approaches to diffuse ICT in the learning environment of the stakeholders in rural private vocational school. The ICT diffusion strategies were: an integrated purchase and training facilitation, smart classroom implementation, educational administration, extracurricular activities, a non-formal computer literacy center, and school-based internship. Two live-in field studies were conducted: from August 2011 to January 2012 and from August 20, 2012 to September 29, 2012. Building on ethnographic action research (EAR) methodology and applying participatory learning and action (PLA) methods, the stakeholders' problems and inquiries were identified and the diffusion strategies were initiated or adapted. This dissertation is based on papers submitted, accepted, and published during the PhD period and consists of two parts. Part I introduces and positions the study in terms of ICT adoption barriers, introduces Rogers' theory of diffusion of innovations as the guide for a change agent, and theoretically frames the strategic interventions. Part II consists of eight papers that focus on but are not limited to different aspects of the topic: project plan, literature review, application of PLA methods, and mapping the barriers in a framework of macro-meso-micro levels, current practices, and investigation of different diffusion strategies. Central to these papers are participatory methods and the iterative phases of methodology, which demonstrate the application of Rogers' theory in qualitative research using mixed methods. What I found was that central to the barriers are lack of funds, high distrust, a lack of skilled human resources—particularly computer graduates, subject-specific teachers—and a lack of technical support for computers, electrical devices, and electronics. These barriers are situated at the levels of individual stakeholders, organizations that are part education systems' rules and regulations, and the external environment comprised of social and non-social factors. The public policies governing secondary education systems' employment, curriculum, and assessment form a central diffusion system, where the overall control of decisions and the direction of diffusion is in the hands of government administrators and technical subject-matter experts. The barriers faced by the schools' stakeholders do not have the scope to be heard and facilitated. Therefore, this dissertation devises a hybrid diffusion system that recommends applying two-way communication and appropriating skilled human resources at local levels. The question remains as to how a scale-up experiment of a hybrid diffusion system can be conducted to address the barriers to funding, knowledge, and skills in relation to ICT in secondary education. LIST OF PAPERS Paper I: Khalid, M. S. (2011). ICT in education: Secondary technical vocational education and training institute centered diffusion of innovation in rural Bangladesh. In Proceedings of International Technology, Education and Development Conference (INTED 2011) (pp. 1126–1134). Presented at the International Technology, Education and Development Conference (INTED 2011), Valencia, Spain: International Association of Technology, Education and Development (IATED). Paper II: Khalid, M. S., & Buus, L. (Submitted, 2013). A theoretical framework mapping barriers of integrating and adopting educational technology. Research and Practice in Technology Enhanced Learning. Accepted for peer review. Paper III: Khalid, M. S., & Nyvang, T. (2013). Application of PLA methods in educational technology research: A rural Bangladeshi case. In M. Georgsen & P.-O. M. Zander (Eds.), Changing Education Through ICT in Developing Countries (pp. 107–130). Aalborg: Aalborg University Press. Paper IV: Khalid, M. S., Nyvang, T., & Islam, M. K. (Submitted, 2013). Moving beyond adoption barriers through exploration of teachers' and students' practice of ICT in education—a rural Bangladeshi case. Research and Practice in Technology Enhanced Learning. Accepted for peer review. Paper V: Khalid, M. S., Islam, M. K., & Nyvang, T. (2013). Integrated Resources and Training Facilitation: A Strategic Priority when Promoting ICT in Developing Countries. Contemporary Educational Technology, 4(4), 263–280. Paper VI: Khalid, M. S., & Nyvang, T. (Accept with change, 2013). From change agent to sustainable scaffolding. Presented at the International Conference on Participation and Power in Participatory Research and Action Research, Aalborg University Copenhagen. To be published as a chapter of a book published by Aalborg University Press. Paper VII: Khalid, M. S., & Nyvang, T. (Revisions required, 2013). A change agent's facilitation process for overcoming the barriers of ICT adoption for educational administration—a case of rural-Bangladesh vocational institution. Australasian Journal of Educational Technology. Paper VIII: Khalid, M. S. (Submitted, 2013). School-based extracurricular contests as a strategy to diffusing Internet literacy in rural Bangladesh. Research and Practice in Technology Enhanced Learning. Accepted for peer review.

Essay I: What differences in public policy can be made by an establishment of a legislature through an election in authoritarian regime? In particular, how high tax rates can be formed in authoritarian regimes with a legislature? Paying attention to a legislature's role of a signal which conveys information about dictator's economic policy preferences to capital owners, this essay revisits Escriba Folch's simple signaling game. By relaxing some restrictive assumptions about dictator types, and considering the dictator's capability of achieving his tax rate through the legislative process, the model gives answers to some empirical puzzles: 1) why some dictators are willing to maintain the legislature formed through elections; and 2) why capital owners would move their mobile assets abroad in some conditions even when a dictator allows a legislature to be established through a competitive election. The model claims that a dictator who is not tax-benevolent has an incentive to misrepresent his actual tax rate, and the probability is inversely associated with his capability in the legislature. After observing thelegislature not dissolved, capital owners who believe the dictator is not tax-benevolent are not willing to move their mobile assets away. On the other hand, after observing the legislature maintained by a dictator who is less capable of achieving his tax rate, capital owners consider moving their mobile assets away only when they believe that the dictator is tax-benevolent. Thus, it is more likely to see relatively low tax rates under capable dictatorships with legislatures. It is ironical that dictators who inherently have low tax rates to invigorate the economy by inducing a higher level of investment cannot enjoy the benefits of maintaining (or creating) a legislature. Case studies of two military regimes in Korea (1961-1987) demonstrate that the predictions made by the theoretical model are empirically supported in the Korean cases. Essay II: Assuming that electoral incentives of three political actors (individual legislators, a ruling party, and a president) may not be aligned with each other in common institutional settings, this essay attempts to construct an integrated theory about the relationship between the allocation of intergovernmental grants and the political actors. It empirically tests three hypotheses derived from the theory by examining the case of theSpecial Local Allocation Grants in Korea (2005-2006). To properly capture regional variation in the allocation, this essay employs the multilevel linear regression model in the Bayesian framework. First, the individual legislator's membership of the specific committee to monitor the execution of the intergovernmental grants is positively associated with the amount of the grants, which supports the Legislators' capability hypothesis, as in the classical regression models. Second, vote margin at the district level is positively associated with the amount of the grants, which provides strong evidence against the Unstable Electoral Districts Hypothesis, however. The result from Bayesian multilevel linear model supports the Unstable provinces hypothesis which states a significant positive association between the amount of intergovernmental grants delivered at the province level and being an electorally unstable province within a broader region in which voters are motivated by their regional identities even after controlling for the need-based criteria. It implies that it is more efficient to target an electorally unstable province even within a supporter region because voters affiliated with a regional (or ethnic) identity in the electorally stable province may not resent the allocation of grants even if they are not the main beneficiaries. Consequently, the distribution of the grants at the higher level can be decided by the efficient targeting strategy, whereas the grants tend to be delivered to strong supporters at the district level. These statistical results are consistent with the ideas that this essay adopts. During the period under investigation the liberal president who could not be reelected by the constitution intended to secure his key policies after his retirement. To help his successor from his faction to earn more votes in the future presidential election, he was willing to allocate considerable amount of government resources to some opposition districts, which may not be completely aligned with the target strategy of the ruling party who sought to maximize the number of seats in the National Assembly under Single-Member District Plurality rule. Regardless of their respective party lines the specific committee members who wanted to be reelected attempted to deliver more grants to their own districts. Essay III: Why do some rising powers unilaterally declare an ideal ordering principle against regional powers deeply attached to existing principles although it is not likely to be realized in the near future? Under what circumstances can such an ideal principle be successfully implemented in the region or escalate into an armed conflict? This paper aims to form a game-theoretic model of bargaining between two rival states with potentially incompatible ordering principles, and provide solid evidence from U.S.-Japanese conflicts in Northeast Asia in the early twentieth century. Constructed on two-sided uncertainty, the model coherently explains why the United States, a new external force in Northeast Asia, was deeply attached to the Open-Door principle as a practically efficient option in bargaining with Japan, a regional power, which adhered to the partition principle, but the potential conflict escalated into a war in the end. Fifteen historical cases from 1899 to 1941 strongly support the predictions made by the model.

Тенденції розвитку світових політичних та економічних процесів на тлі очевидного зниження ефективності традиційних міжнародних інститутів у регуляторній політиці щодо глобальних проблем колективної дії актуалізують пошуки адекватних моделей управління, які б відповідали викликам сьогодення. Альтернативою класичним міжнародним організаціями є клуби – альянси з обмеженою кількістю учасників і непублічним форматом вироблення рішень. Слабка інституціоналізація таких утворень і домінування неформальних практик у їхній діяльності ставлять під сумнів демократичність і легітимність процедур ухвалення рішень. Статтю присвячено клубним формам політичного управління як неформальним механізмам реалізації влади. Фокусом аналізу виступають політичні практики формування і ухвалення рішень у контексті клубних моделей глобального управління. Дослідження еволюції формування клубних моделей продемонструвало, що клубні форми ухвалення рішень можуть надавати суспільні блага з оптимізації умов, схожих на ринкові. Шляхом вивчення принципів партисипації доведено, що розширення членства в клубі, як правило, зменшує його ефективність і ускладнює вироблення консенсусних рішень.На основі аналізу практик учасництва визначено критерії ефективності клубного управління і параметри легітимації «клубних» рішень. З'ясовано, що через такі характеристики функціонування клубного формату управління як неформальність, ексклюзивність членства, елітизм та фактична відсутність підзвітності клуби нерідко сприймаються як недемократичні об'єднання, а ухвалювані ними рішення – як нелегітимні (принаймні для не-членів клубу). Однак зазначені особливості клубних механізмів управління не зменшують популярність клубних форматів, а навпаки – провокують створення нових альянсів з боку аутсайдерів і можуть викликати ефект легітимаційного розриву, що втілюється в акціях громадянського протесту, найчастіше під час проведення самітів.Головним викликом для клубних форм реалізації влади на глобальному рівні залишаються пошуки механізмів, які можуть забезпечувати баланс між ефективністю управління та демократичністю ухвалення рішень. ; Тенденції розвитку світових політичних та економічних процесів на тлі очевидного зниження ефективності традиційних міжнародних інститутів у регуляторній політиці щодо глобальних проблем колективної дії актуалізують пошуки адекватних моделей управління, які б відповідали викликам сьогодення. Альтернативою класичним міжнародним організаціями є клуби – альянси з обмеженою кількістю учасників і непублічним форматом вироблення рішень. Слабка інституціоналізація таких утворень і домінування неформальних практик у їхній діяльності ставлять під сумнів демократичність і легітимність процедур ухвалення рішень. Статтю присвячено клубним формам політичного управління як неформальним механізмам реалізації влади. Фокусом аналізу виступають політичні практики формування і ухвалення рішень у контексті клубних моделей глобального управління. Дослідження еволюції формування клубних моделей продемонструвало, що клубні форми ухвалення рішень можуть надавати суспільні блага з оптимізації умов, схожих на ринкові. Шляхом вивчення принципів партисипації доведено, що розширення членства в клубі, як правило, зменшує його ефективність і ускладнює вироблення консенсусних рішень.На основі аналізу практик учасництва визначено критерії ефективності клубного управління і параметри легітимації «клубних» рішень. З'ясовано, що через такі характеристики функціонування клубного формату управління як неформальність, ексклюзивність членства, елітизм та фактична відсутність підзвітності клуби нерідко сприймаються як недемократичні об'єднання, а ухвалювані ними рішення – як нелегітимні (принаймні для не-членів клубу). Однак зазначені особливості клубних механізмів управління не зменшують популярність клубних форматів, а навпаки – провокують створення нових альянсів з боку аутсайдерів і можуть викликати ефект легітимаційного розриву, що втілюється в акціях громадянського протесту, найчастіше під час проведення самітів.Головним викликом для клубних форм реалізації влади на глобальному рівні залишаються пошуки механізмів, які можуть забезпечувати баланс між ефективністю управління та демократичністю ухвалення рішень. ; The tendencies observed in the development of the world political and economic processes running on the background of the obviously decreased effectiveness of the traditional international institutes in the regulatory policy in terms of the global problems of social action refresh the search for adequate governance models able to meet today's challenges. Club alliances characterized by the limited number of participants and non-public decision-making come forward as an alternative to the classical international organizations. Poor institutionalization of such formations and informal practices prevailing in their activities question the democratic and legitimate nature of the decision-taking procedures.This paper is devoted to the club forms of political governance as informal power-exercising mechanisms. The analysis carried out here focuses on political practices of decision-shaping and making within the context of club models of global governance.Investigating the club model shaping evolution demonstrated that decision-taking forms can do public good under the optimized conditions that are similar to the market ones. The participation principles studied prove that extended club membership as a rule decreases its effectiveness and complicates consensus decision-shaping.The participation practices analyzed therein helped define the criteria for club governance effectiveness and determine the 'club' decision legitimation parameters. Such characteristics of club governance functioning as informality, membership exclusivity, elitism and actual lack of accountability were found to make these clubs often perceived as non-democratic alliances and their decisions as non-legitimate (at least for non-members of the club). However, the aforementioned features of the club governance mechanisms trigger off new alliances formed by outsiders rather than diminish the popularity of the club formats, which can have a legitimate fracturing effect realized in public protests that are most frequent during summits.The main challenge for the club forms of power exercise on the global level remains the search for mechanisms able to maintain a balance between governance effectiveness and democratic decision-taking.

The work aims at understanding how the land transformation and climatic change synergy could affect the Alpes-Maritimes biodiversity. This thesis contains four chapters. In the first chapter, the purpose is to provide the conceptual basis and the framework that support the scientific foundations of this thesis and the main conceptual definitions of the studied problematic. In the second chapter, the purpose is to study the artificialization process in the French Riviera area, its probable potential dispersion, the conditions and the factors involved in the phenomenon in order to give an intuitively understanding of the landscape transformation and their principal trend. The landscape transformation of the last 40 years has been studied with the aim of identifying the spatial transition rules that have been introduced in the cellular automata model. We present a synthesis of landscape transformation in the French Riviera up to 2050 and 2100. The resulting scenarios provide information about future urban expansion according to historic behavior and the evolutionary patterns. The results of this part show that urban surfaces could double by 2050 and triplicated by 2100 compared with 2011. In the third chapter we assess the biodiversity loss according to land use dynamic and climate change. We first defined the ecosystem diversity by the landscape units. The landscape units are composed by the different ecological factors that have had an influence on ecosystems repartition like geomorphology, soil, climate, and vegetation. Then, we studied how landscape transformation could affect the biodiversity in the future by the spatial superposition of the first and second chapter results. Next, we realized a bioclimatic calibration for the landscape units with the aim of understanding the limits of ecological tolerance to the climatic conditions and the different ecological conditions like geomorphology, soil, and aspect. The bioclimatic calibration of the landscape units has allowed the definition of climatic change impact on ecosystem biodiversity for 2050 and 2100.The synergy between climatic change impact and landscape transformation shows that almost 30% (68 ecosystem expressions) of Alpes-Maritimes biodiversity could be affected at the end of the XXIst century, and at least five ecosystems expressions could disappear for 2100 due to both forces or some of these driving forces.In the fourth chapter we propose a method that allows the integration of climatic change impacts and landscape transformation on conservation process and politic assessment. Moreover, this chapter proposes the possibility to integrate both phenomena into the ecological networks structuration, especially into "Trame verte et bleue" in France. ; L'objectif est de comprendre comment la synergie entre la transformation du territoire et le changement climatique pourra affecter la biodiversité des Alpes-Maritimes à l'horizon 2100. Cette thèse comprend quatre chapitres. Dans le premier chapitre sont présentées les notions, les bases théoriques et conceptuelles ainsi que la problématique générale de recherche. Le deuxième chapitre est consacré à l'étude des processus d'artificialisation et de transformation territoriale. Dans cette partie sont évalués le processus de dispersion ainsi que les facteurs qui interviennent dans les phénomènes d'artificialisation du territoire et les tendances futures de changement sur les Alpes-Maritimes. Les règles de transition spatiale ont été extraites à partir de l'étude de la transformation territoriale des 40 dernières années pour comprendre les trajectoires de changement, mais aussi dans le but d'avoir une base de connaissances solide permettant de faire la simulation par automate cellulaire. A partir de ces connaissances et de l'interprétation des règles de transition sont élaborés les scénarios de transformation future du paysage aux horizons 2050 et 2100. Les résultats montrent la possible expansion de l'artificialisation selon le comportement et les tendances historiques observés sur le territoire. Les résultats de ce chapitre montrent que les surfaces artificielles pourraient doubler pour 2050, et tripler pour 2100 par rapport à leur occupation actuelle. Le troisième chapitre concerne l'évaluation de la perte de biodiversité selon les pressions anthropiques et climatiques. La première partie du chapitre trois est dédiée à la définition de la diversité écosystémique à partir des unités du paysage. Pour cette définition ont été considérés les différents facteurs écologiques qui ont une influence sur la répartition des écosystèmes tels que la géomorphologie, le sol, le climat et la végétation. Avec les informations obtenues dans la partie précédente, est étudié l'impact potentiel de la transformation territoriale sur la biodiversité. La deuxième partie de ce chapitre consiste en la réalisation d'un étalonnage bioclimatique des unités du paysage, afin de comprendre les limites écologiques de tolérance des expressions écosystémique aux conditions climatiques et géomorphologiques. Au total sont définies 236 unités du paysage sur lesquelles sont estimés les impacts synergiques de la transformation territoriale et du changement climatique afin d'évaluer les risques de perte de biodiversité vers la fin du siècle. Les résultats montrent que 68 unités du paysage (soit presque 30% de la diversité́ des Alpes-Maritimes) seront affectées par ces deux phénomènes d'ici la fin du XXIème siècle et 5 d'entre elles devraient disparaître, que ce soit en raison du changement climatique ou de la dynamique de l'artificialisation du sol. Le dernier chapitre propose une méthode permettant l'intégration des impacts du changement climatique et des impacts de la transformation territoriale dans les processus de conception et définition de politiques de conservation dynamique de la biodiversité. De plus, ce chapitre propose la possibilité d'intégrer les deux phénomènes dans la conception de réseaux écologiques de conservation, notamment dans le cadre de la Trame verte et bleue.

ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses the problems Deradicalisation approach and Role of Local Governments in Supporting Community Policing Program to Prevent Terrorism in Regional Influence. From the results of research using the method of normative legal research concluded that: 1. Basic Strategy for Combating Terrorism Through Mind Deradicalisation approach departs from the assumption that terrorism started from radicalism. Therefore, efforts to combat terrorism more effectively through a de-radicalization. Its essence is to change the mindset of understanding or considered wrong. You do this by providing a new experience gained not from the battlefield, but of social life through human interaction in an open and inclusive in order to get a true understanding about jihad and terrorism. 2. Relevance Approach to the Development of Community Policing Deradicalisation (Community Policing): Through community policing, law enforcement process can be done in a more "polite" or do not rely on power / strength alone. In arresting alleged perpetrators of the terrorist, the police do not need to always have with violence, torture, "kidnapped" and / or shoot suspects without trial. Therefore, the application of power / strength should be based on the rule of law and does not violate individual rights or degrading the dignity of a person (man) who allegedly committed the crime / terrorist. 3. Role of Local Government in Supporting Community Policing wide open to be developed based on: a. Police Regulation Number 7 of 2008 are adopting various forms of community policing, both traditional as Pecalang, Ronda village, until the successful model practiced in Japan, Canada, America, and Australia. The Police Regulation opens wide opportunities for local governments to actively engage in community policing menudukung. It's reflected in the provisions of Article 23, point C on the development of social institutions; Article 28, point C on the mobilization and coordination; Article 51 point 3 of the budgets of Pos budget support; Article 62 point 1 of the acceleration and the involvement of local government in the development of community policing, and Article 66 on a common commitment associated with community policing program. b. The substance of the Police Regulation nature together with the substance of the Act No. 32 of 2004 on Regional Government. Further recommended models can be developed cooperation between the police and local government programs related to community policing, among others, as follows: First, the model adopted by the police work with have appealed to the leadership of SIP and KOD in police and police to establish cooperation with related government programs community policing and general police duties. Second, non-bureaucratic approach models . Third, the Open Model of Cooperation, Fourth, models of institutional cooperation, and Fifth, executive engagement model.KEYWORD : The Role Of De-Radicalization And Local Government, Community Policing, TerroristsABSTRAKTesis ini membahas masalah Pendekatan Deradikalisasi Dan Peran Pemerintah Daerah Dalam Mendukung Program Pemolisian Masyarakat Guna Mencegah Pengaruh Terorisme Di Daerah. Dari hasil penelitian menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa : 1. Dasar Pikiran Strategi Penanggulangan Terorisme Melalui Pendekatan Deradikalisasi berangkat dari asumsi bahwa terorisme berawal dari radikalisme. Oleh karena itu, upaya memerangi terorisme lebih efektif melalui deradikalisasi. Esensinya adalah mengubah pemahaman atau pola pikir yang dianggap salah. Caranya dengan memberikan pengalaman baru yang didapat bukan dari medan perang, tetapi dari kehidupan sosial lewat interaksi antarmanusia secara terbuka dan inklusif agar mendapat pemahaman yang benar soal jihad dan terorisme. 2. Relevansi Pendekatan Deradikalisasi dengan Pengembangan Perpolisian Masyarakat (Community Policing) : Melalui Polmas, proses penegakan hukum bisa dilakukan secara lebih ?santun? atau tidak mengandalkan kekuasaan/kekuatan belaka. Dalam melakukan penangkapan terhadap pelaku yang diduga teroris, polisi tidak perlu selalu harus dengan kekerasan, penyiksaan, ?menculik? dan/atau menembak tersangka tanpa proses pengadilan. Karena itu penerapan kekuasaan/kekuatan haruslah berbasis pada aturan hukum dan tidak melanggar hak-hak individu atau merendahkan harkat dan martabat seseorang (manusia) yang diduga melakukan kejahatan/teroris. 3. Peran Pemerintah Daerah Dalam Mendukung Polmas terbuka luas untuk dikembangkan didasarkan pada: a. Peraturan Kapolri Nomor 7 Tahun 2008 yang mengadobsi berbagai bentuk Polmas, baik yang bersifat tradisional seperti Pecalang, Ronda Kampung, hingga model yang sukses dipraktikkan di Jepang, Canada, Amerika, serta Australia. Peraturan Kapolri ini membuka peluang yang lebar untuk melibatkan Pemerintah Daerah secara aktif dalam menudukung Polmas. Hal Ini tercermin dari ketentuan Pasal 23 point C tentang pengembangan pranata sosial; Pasal 28 point C tentang penggalangan dan koordinasi; Pasal 51 point 3 tentang dukungan anggaran dari Pos APBD; Pasal 62 point 1 tentang pelibatan Pemda pada percepatan dan pengembangan Polmas; dan Pasal 66 tentang adanya kesamaan komitmen terkait dengan program Polmas. b. Substansi Peraturan Kapolri tersebut hakikatnya bersinergi dengan substansi Undang-Undang Nomor 32 tahun 2004 Tentang Pemerintahan Daerah. Selanjutnya direkomendasikan dapat dikembangkan model kerja sama antara Polri dengan Pemda berkaitan dengan program Polmas, antara lain sebagai berikut: Pertama, model kerja yang diadopsi oleh Polri dengan melakukan himbauan kepada pimpinan SIP dan KOD di Polda dan Polres untuk menjalin kerja sama dengan Pemda berkaitan dengan program Polmas maupun secara umum tugas Polri. Kedua, model Pendekatan Non Birokrasi. Ketiga, Model Kerja Sama Terbuka, Keempat, Model Kerja sama kelembagaan, dan Kelima, Model pelibatan eksekutif.Kata Kunci : Deradikalisasi Dan Peran Pemerintah Daerah, Pemolisian Masyarakat,Teroris

Актуальность и цели. Развитие гражданского общества является важным приоритетом современной эпохи. Будущее России, ее место в мировом сообществе в значительной мере зависят от включенности в этот процесс широких слоев населения. Проблема состоит в том, что гражданское общество в России формируется на весьма узкой социальной базе. В контексте поставленной проблемы остро стоит вопрос о взаимодействии органов власти и общественности. Целью статьи является выявление готовности широких слоев населения к проявлению социально-политической активности, определение роли региональных идей в построении эффективного диалога между властью и обществом. Материалы и методы. Теоретико-методологической базой нашего анализа послужила теория понимания. Были изучены работы отечественных и зарубежных авторов на тему гражданского общества и концептуального понимания коммуникаций в процессе его развития. Эмпирический анализ основан на социологических исследованиях: «Отношение населения областного центра к новому бренду региона» (Ульяновск, 2012 г.; выборка 850 чел.), «Социально-политические ориентации и социальная активность населения» (Ульяновская область, 2013 г.; выборка 1200 чел.). Результаты. В настоящее время органы регионального управления формально готовы к установлению постоянных контактов с населением; эта готовность продиктована необходимостью выполнения законодательных актов Российской Федерации, направленных на построение гражданского общества. Население формально и реально менее готово к постоянным контактам с органами власти: доля регулярно проявляющих социальную активность не превышает десятой части населения региона. За время реформ в общественном сознании не сформировалась установка социальной активности. Эта ситуация актуальна и для других регионов России. Региональная идея может играть информационно-стимулирующую роль и выполнять интегрирующую функцию только в условиях конструктивного общественно-государственного диалога. Это возможно при грамотном выборе главной идеи и правильно выстроенных коммуникациях между населением и органами власти. Выводы. Полученные результаты исследования позволили сформулировать следующую закономерность: чем выше уровень информационной закрытости и пассивности населения, тем ниже уровень восприятия официальных идей развития региона и степень социальной интеграции. Информационную закрытость мы понимаем как наблюдаемую тенденцию слабого стремления к получению и восприятию социально значимой информации, а также дефицит самой социальной информации, передаваемой по каналам коммуникации. Будущее России тесно связано с формированием социальной сплоченности, понимаемой как объединение людей вокруг общих идей. Переход регионов России на инновационный путь развития невозможен без формирования среди населения чувства сопричастности, включая создание реальной системы участия граждан в жизни населенных пунктов, прозрачность действий власти, учет мнений различных групп населения в реализуемых региональных программах. ; Background. Development of the civil society is an important priority of the modern era. The Russia's future, its place in the global community largely depend on involvement in this process of the general population. The problem is that the civil society in Russia is positioned on a very narrow social base. In the context of the problem is an issue o interaction between the government and the society. The aim of the article is to identify readiness of the society to exercise social and political activity, to define the role of regional ideas in building an effective dialogue between the authorities and the society. Materials and methods. The theoretical and methodological basis of our analysis was the theory of understanding. We studied the work of domestic and foreign authors on the topic of the civil society and the conceptual understanding of communications in the course of its development. The empirical analysis is based on the sociological research «The attitude of the regional center population to the new brand of the region» (Ulyanovsk, 2012; 850 people surveyed), «The socio-political orientation and the social activity of the population» (Ulyanovsk region, 2013; 1200 people surveyed). Results. Currently, the regional management bodies are formally ready to establish permanent contacts with the population; this willingness is caused by the necessity to perform legal acts of the Russian Federation aimed at building the civil society. The population is less formally and really ready for permanent contacts with the authorities: the share of those regularly displaying the social activity does not exceed one tenth of the population. During the process of reformation the conception of social activity has not been formed in the public consciousness. This situation is relevant for other regions of Russia. A regional idea can play an information-stimulating role and perform an integrating function only in conditions of a constructive social-state dialogue. This is possible with proper choice of the main ideas and correctly lined up communications between the population and the authorities. Conclusions. The obtained results of the study allowed us to formulate the following rule: the higher is the level of information secrecy and passivity of the population, the lower is the perception of formal ideas of regional development and the degree of social integration. Information closeness is the observed trend of a weak aspiration to get information and to perceive social significance, as well as the deficit of social information transmission by communication channels. Russia's future is closely linked with formation of the social cohesion, understood as bringing people together around common ideas. Transition of the Russian regions to the innovative way of development is impossible without creating a sense of ownership among the population, including creation of a real system of citizen participation in life settlements, transparency of the government's actions, taking into account the opinions of various groups in the ongoing regional programs.

Modern communication systems are characterized by an increasing need for self-configuring networks. In fact, in many practical cases, the presence of centralizing devices such as a base station is neither realistic nor practical. This is the case, for instance, in military or emergency situation, or when the increasingly dense deployment of access points makes a man-made planning unfeasible. As a consequence, problems like designing behavioral rules for devices (or groups of devices) on how to select their own transmit parameters naturally arise. In particular, self-configuring algorithms must be able to respond to the necessity of detecting, avoiding or reducing interference, thus maintaining a sufficient quality of the communications when no centralization is available, and with minimum information exchange and cooperation. Moreover, these algorithms must be able to cope with the variations of the transmission conditions due to fading, shadowing, mobility and to the change in other devices behavioral patterns eventually creating extra interference.The goal of this thesis is to study the joint problem of channel selection and power control in the context of multiple-channel clustered ad-hoc networks, i.e., decentralized networks in which radio devices are arranged into groups known as clusters, and to propose a viable decentralized self-configuring algorithm for such a network.The network is studied and analyzed through game theory, and the relative equilibria are identified. The first purpose is to use these equilibria in order to quantify the performance of different algorithms that originate from the theory of learning in games. An algorithm based on the trial and error paradigm is then selected as a candidate solution. A particular utility function is designed in order for the equilibria to coincide with the solutions of an optimization problem, thus maximizing the quality of the communications while minimizing the resources needed. These results are presented in the most general form and therefore, they can also be seen as a framework for designing both games and learning algorithms with which decentralized networks can operate atglobal optimal points using only their available local knowledge. The pertinence of the game design and the learning algorithm are highlighted using specific scenarios in decentralized clustered ad hoc networks. Numerical results confirm the relevance of using appropriate utility functions and trial and error learning for enhancing the performance of decentralized networks. ; Les systèmes de communication modernes sont caractérisés par leur besoin croissant en mécanismes d'auto-configuration. En effet, dans de nombreux cas pratiques, la présence de dispositifs de centralisation tel qu'une station de base n'est ni réaliste ni pratique. Ceci est le cas, par exemple, des situations militaires ou aussi celles d'urgence, ou lorsque le déploiement de plus en plus dense de points d'accès rend la planification humaine irréalisable. Par conséquent, des problèmes tel que la conception de règles de comportement pour les appareils (ou groupes d'appareils) sur la fa¸ con de choisir leurs propres paramètres de transmission, se présentent naturellement. En particulier, les algorithmes d'auto-configuration doivent être en mesure de répondre à la nécessité de détecter, d'éviter ou de réduire les interférences, maintenant ainsi une qualité suffisante de communications quand une centralisation est indisponible, et ceci avec un minimum d'échange d'informations et de coopération. En outre, ces algorithmes doivent être en mesure de faire face aux variations naturelles des conditions d'émission, en raison de l'atténuation, des effets de masque, de la mobilité et de la variation des comportements des autres dispositifs qui peuvent éventuellement créer des interférences supplémentaires. L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier le problème conjoint de sélection de canal et de contrôle de puissance dans le contexte de réseaux ad hoc clustérisés à canaux multiples, c'est à dire, des réseaux décentralisés dans lesquels les appareils radio sont disposés en groupes appelés clusters, et de proposer un algorithme d'auto-configuration décentralisé viable pour un tel réseau.Le réseau est étudié et analysé par l'intermédiaire de la théorie des jeux, et les équilibres relatifs sont identifiés. Le premier objectif consiste à utiliser ces équilibres afin de quantifier les performances des différents algorithmes qui proviennent de la théorie de l'apprentissage dans les jeux. Un algorithme basé sur le paradigme "trial and error" est alors sélectionné en tant que solution candidat. Une fonction d'utilité particulière est conçue afin que l'équilibre puisse coïncider avec les solutions d' un problème d'optimisation, maximisant ainsi la qualité des communications, tout en minimisant les ressources nécessaires. Ces résultats sont présentés sous la forme la plus générale et, par conséquent, ils peuvent ˆ être aussi considérés comme un cadre théorique général pour la conception des jeux, ainsi que des algorithmes d'apprentissage avec lesquels les réseaux décentralisés peuvent fonctionner à des points optimaux globaux, et ceci à l'aide uniquement de leurs connaissances locales disponibles. La pertinence de la conception du jeu ainsi que de l'algorithme d'apprentissage est mis en évidence au moyen de scénarios spécifiques dans des réseaux ad hoc clustérisés et décentralisés. Les résultats numériques confirment la pertinence de l'utilisation des fonctions utilitaires appropriées ainsi que de l'apprentissage "trial and error" dans l'amélioration de la performance des réseaux décentralisés.

Introduction ACOs are seen as an important development in the quest to provide quality care and control health care costs. The pace of ACO adoption has waned after a blistering start. The calculus for ACO adoption has changed and there is little understanding of the reasons for the change. The objectives of this dissertation are to understand physician organizations' motivation to form ACOs, explore physician organizations' ACO readiness, and identification of barriers and facilitators to ACO adoption. The dissertation also proposes an ACO Orientation Conceptual Model and tests the model from case studies of six physician organizations in Orange County, CA. By understanding the reasons physician organizations accept or reject ACO contracts, leaders and administrators can adjust parameters that will influence future accountable care movement. Background ACO is an entity comprised of hospitals and physician organizations who join together to assume responsibility for providing integrated high quality care at a sustainable cost level for a patient population. The idea originated in the medical establishment and entered the policy arena through MedPAC, an agency that advises Congress on Medicare matters. The Dartmouth Institute for Health Policy and Clinical Practice, the Engelberg Center for Health Care Reform at Brookings, and MedPAC pushed ACO onto the national agenda. ACO became a formal part of the health reform movement when the ACA was signed into law. As of October 2013, there were 23 Pioneer ACOs, 35 Advanced Payment ACOs, 220 SSP ACOs, and 235 private sector ACOs. Aims and Objectives The dissertation seeks to understand physician organizations' motivation to form or not form ACOs, proposes and tests an ACO Orientation Conceptual Model, and identifies barriers and facilitators to ACO adoption. Methodology The dissertation uses a qualitative, non-experimental, cross-case study method supplemented by a survey. Six case study participants were selected from a combined list of physician organizations from Cattaneo and Stroud and California Association of Physician Groups (CAPG). Using a semi-structured interview guide, an in-depth interview with an executive in the physician organization and an administration of a Physician Organization ACO Readiness Survey for each organization completed the data collection process. Information from key informant interviews was integrated with publicly available reports, state government agency reported data, information on a physician organization's website, and other Internet resources related to the physician organizations forming the basis for the case studies. Analysis was also performed across the physician organizations to identify common themes and unearth insights. The ACO Orientation Conceptual Model was tested based on the responses to the semi-structured interview questions and the ACO readiness survey. Findings Of the external causal attributes described by the ACO Motivation Conceptual Model, only business rationale, competitor activity, and a policy window were found by case study participants to be applicable. None of the participants cited necessity or timing as an external causal attribute. Of the internal causal attributes described by the ACO Motivaton Conceptual Model, only culture, leadership, and quality care were found by case study participants to be valid. The only internal causal attribute that garnered concensus among all six case study participants was a focus on quality care improvements. Testing of the ACO Orientation Conceptual Model found that along the strategic typology dimension, of the six case study participants in the study, four case study participants were classified as Analyzers and two were classified as Prospectors. None of the case study participants had a Defender classification. Along the ACO readiness dimension, five of the six case study participants had high ACO readiness scores and one case study participant recorded a low ACO readiness score. Using assessments from the case study participants, the model successfully predicted that Analyzers with high ACO readiness scores and Prospectors with low ACO readiness scores would consider becoming ACOs. The model also predicted correctly that Prospectors with high ACO readiness scores would become ACOs.Enviromental barriers identified by case study participants included an ACO's broad scope, intensive resource investment requirements, rules and regulations interpretation and enforcement, and a risk/reward imbalance. Organizational barriers identified by case study participants included physician organization and hospital misalignment of incentives, a lack of infrastructure, a lack of data, difficulties in getting providers to buy-in, and beneficiary inertia. Facilitators identified by case study participants include communication, trust, technology, information exchange, a strong primary care network and network management, scalability, and experience with risk, continuity of care, and managed care programs. Conclusion Understanding physician organization ACO adoption and diffusion may benefit from additional qualitative and quantitative studies. The specific recommendations are to conduct case studies in other geographic areas outside of Orange County, CA, empirically study to see if physician organizations changed strategies due to ACOs, and finally, measure the performance and outcomes of selected ACO strategies. There are three implications for health policy makers. First, for physician groups participating in the Shared Savings Program (SSP), there is a desire to attract Medicare fee-for-service (FFS) beneficiaries into the Medicare Advantage plans. This motivation is different from those of physician organizations serving commercial ACOs. Second, reduce the environmental and organizational barriers to ACO adoption. Finally, healthcare leaders and practitioners should be prepared to address system-wide implications resulting from the massive shifts in the physician organization strategy as a response to ACOs.

The article discusses the recent reforms of the collective bargaining's legal framework of general efficiency, collective bargaining representative of the Spanish legal system, introduced in the years 2010 to 2014, coinciding with the global economic and financial crisis, which began in 2008, the European political and monetary crisis and the and political-economic crisis en Spain. The reforms, and especially the recent legal reforms of 2012-2014, have had a qualitative impact on the bargaining system, shifting the regulation's orientation from the constitutional right to collective bargaining, and to the binding force of conventions, closely connected with the freedom of association, to the constitutional right to free enterprise and constitutional duty of the authorities to ensure the safeguarding of productivity. The legislative reforms of 2012 aimed at ensuring that collective bargaining is a tool, not an obstacle, to adapt working conditions to the specific circumstances of the company. For it they have postponed the traditional role of the collective agreement to compensate the fundamental inequality of labor relations by limiting individual autonomy and the power of corporate decision, as well as emphasizing the management function of the collective agreement through different techniques with convergent results: applicative priority of the company's collective agreement as a mandatory rule for higher-level collective bargaining, modification and unique company inapplicability of the collective agreement through binding arbitration public, ante tempus modification of the collective agreement, and the temporal limitation of the ultraactive effectiveness of collective agreements within agreement renewal processes. To achieve its reformation goals, and yet there is some exception in a non-minor matter (ultra-activity of collective agreements) in which reformation goals are achieved through the transfert of competencies by the law to the collective bargaining, labor law flexibilization tends to self-sufficiency and rigidness. These reforms project their effects on labor relations system as a whole, drawing lines of transformation of undeniable legal significance, among which stands the promotion, using imperative techniques, of collective bargaining at company level, which, beyond their impact on the structure of collective bargaining, is offered as a guarantee of the higher flexibility and corporate competitiveness, affects the functions of the right to collective bargaining channeled a principle of differentiation that old attempts to individualize working conditions failed, and displaces the powers of trade unions and business confederations to representations of companies and businessmen. ; El artículo analiza las recientes reformas del marco legal de la negociación colectiva de eficacia general, negociación colectiva típica del ordenamiento español, introducidas en los años 2010 a 2014 coincidiendo con la gran crisis económico-financiera desencadenada en 2008 y las crisis político-monetaria europea y político-económica española. El conjunto reformador, y especialmente las reformas legislativas últimas de 2012-2014, han tenido una especial incidencia cualitativa en el sistema negocial, marcando el cambio de orientación de su regulación desde el derecho constitucional a la negociación colectiva y a la fuerza vinculante de los convenios, estrechamente conectado con el de libertad sindical, al derecho constitucional a la libertad de empresa y el deber constitucional de los poderes públicos de velar por la defensa de la productividad. Las reformas legislativas de 2012 se han dirigido a procurar que la negociación colectiva sea un instrumento, y no un obstáculo, para adaptar las condiciones laborales a las concretas circunstancias de la empresa. Para ello han postergado la función normativa tradicional del convenio colectivo de compensar la desigualdad fundamental de las relaciones de trabajo mediante la limitación de la autonomía individual y el poder de decisión empresarial y acentuado la función de gestión del convenio colectivo a través de diferentes técnicas convergentes en su resultado: la prioridad aplicativa del convenio colectivo de empresa como regla imperativa para la negociación colectiva de ámbito superior, la modificación e inaplicación singular a la empresa de los convenios colectivos aplicables mediante arbitraje público obligatorio, la modificación ante tempus del convenio colectivo, y la limitación temporal de la eficacia ultraactiva de los convenios colectivos en los procesos de renovación convencional. Para el logro de sus objetivos reformadores, y no obstante alguna excepción en materia no menor (la ultraactividad de los convenios colectivos) en que dichos objetivos se alcanzan mediante la cesión por la ley de espacio a la negociación colectiva, la ley laboral flexibilizadora se hace autosuficiente y rígida. Dichas reformas proyectan sus efectos sobre el sistema de relaciones laborales en su conjunto, trazando líneas de transformación de innegable trascendencia jurídica, entre las que destaca con particular nitidez la promoción, recurriendo a técnicas imperativas, de la negociación colectiva de empresa, que, más allá de su incidencia en la estructura de la negociación colectiva, se ofrece como garantía de mayor flexibilidad y competividad empresarial, afecta a las funciones del derecho a la negociación colectiva, encauza un principio de diferenciación que los viejos intentos de individualizar las condiciones de trabajo no consiguieron, y desplaza los poderes de las confederaciones sindicales y empresariales hacia las representaciones de empresa y los empresarios.

In this thesis, the first study of its kind, the role of internet specially that of social networking shared devices on web 2.0 is analyzed in the process of emergence of Public Sphere – the notion introduced by Habermas, and ultimately in the process of democratization of civil society in Pakistan. Lawyers' Movement (March 2007 – March 2009) of Pakistan is selected to analyze this role as this successful movement for the rule of law in the country is solely responsible for a fundamental democratic change in the democratic culture and socio-political set up of Pakistan by bringing a vibrant and active civil society in the lime light of country's political and social life.The content in Pakistani press and social communication content in blogs on blog sites during the course of and related to Lawyers' Movement are analyzed using the technique of content analysis as defined by Lasswell Harold, focusing mainly on the content of communication (said what?) for a qualitative as well as quantitative analysis.The fundamental questions of the emergence of Public Sphere with the help of internet found to be true as it enhances the circle and forum of national public debate to the ones who had not been able to take part in it at the same level via the traditional means of mass communication, confirming the concept of Enhanced Public Sphere with the advent of internet presented by Cardon and also the concept of more participative democracy by Oberdorff by providing a platform to the educated middle class for voicing their opinion and ultimately filling the gap between the common people and intelligentsia of the society and taking active part in democratization of the society. The subsequent findings of the study reveal that there exists a freedom of expression not only on the internet but in the Pakistani press as well, that there is a link between the discussion in the press and in blogs and this discussion is concurrent, that internet has not yet presented itself as an alternate and better source for the flow of information confirming the criticism of Breton on the cult of internet and that the internet is instead behaving as complementary to the traditional media. ; Cette recherché a pour objectif d'analyser le rôle d'internet au Pakistan et plus particulièrement son rôle dans l'émergence de la société civile pakistanaise. L'émergence de cette société civile peut-être vue comme un des facteurs de la politisation et de la démocratisation de la société. La société pakistanaise a besoin d'être éduquée, guidée afin que les principes démocratiques soient mieux connus, plus réels et que le pays s'engage plus fermement dans la voie démocratique. L'intelligentsia est engagée dans ce travail depuis longtemps, utilisant les moyens traditionnels de la communication de masse la presse, la radio et la télévision mais la société civile ne peut se réduire aux élites et notamment aux intellectuels, les autres catégories sociales doivent participer au processus, notamment la classe moyenne. Une des conditions de la démocratisation de la société nous semble devoir passer par un élargissement de la société civile, afin de combler l'écart entre les élites et les catégories les plus modestes de la population. Il faut garder à l'esprit que le Pakistan est gouverné depuis sa création d'une manière oligarchique par les militaires même si quelques gouvernement civils animés par des partis politiques ont aussi existé. Mais peu d'études ont été consacrées à la société civile pakistanaise, les études existantes se sont souvent focalisées sur les questions économiques ou sur la chronologie mouvementée de l'histoire politique du Pakistan. Le rôle des médias au sein de la société civile n'a pas non plus donné lieu à des études. C'est pourquoi nous nous sommes intéressés dans cette thèse à l'émergence de la société civile, à ses liens avec la vie politique et le rôle joué par internet dans la politisation de la société pakistanaise. La situation du Pakistan est sensiblement différente de celles des pays arabes qui viennent juste de connaître le « printemps arabe ». Le Pakistan est un de ces nouveaux pays nés de l'effondrement de l'empire colonial britannique, né après un long combat mené par les leaders politiques pakistanais. Sa première constitution a été élaborée 9 ans après l'indépendance et les premières élections démocratiques ont leu lieu. Il a alors connu 4 coups d'Etat dont le dernier a pris fin en 2008 avec les élections de février et l'abdication du régime militaire en août. En dépit de ces obstacles dans le processus démocratique, le pays s'est toujours mobilisé contre les dictateurs, même si les dictateurs ont cherché à légitimer leur pouvoir en s'appuyant sur des référendums et en cherchant le soutien de la Cour suprême. Depuis sa création, le Pakistan a néanmoins des valeurs et une culture démocratiques à la différence de certains pays du printemps arabes qui n'avaient pas de constitution démocratique, qui ont été gouvernés pas des dictatures ou des régimes monarchiques sans interruption. Au Pakistan, la lutte en faveur de la démocratie n'est pas nouvelle, la société a été familiarisée avec une constitution démocratique, ce qui rend la notion de société civile différente de celles de bon nombre de pays arabes.

Una Guerra, si sa, non è mai fine a sé stessa. Nemmeno secondo il parere della Chiesa. Fu proprio la Chiesa, infatti, ad attribuire alla Seconda Guerra Mondiale un significato di purificazione e di espiazione delle colpe commesse dal genere umano attraverso la preghiera. O almeno era quello che fece intendere al popolo, povero ed ignorante. In realtà, le intenzioni della Chiesa erano espansionistiche e di potere, sia sociale che politico. Potere che la Chiesa riuscì ad acquisire e ad incrementare grazie al soccorso prestato ai popoli in guerra. In questo lavoro ho analizzato la situazione economico-sociale del Molise durante gli anni della Seconda Guerra Mondiale fino alla ricostruzione, partendo proprio dai documenti appartenenti alla Chiesa: archivi diocesani, parrocchiali, privati, Vaticano per poi sconfinare anche in altri archivi come quello di Stato di Campobasso e il Centrale dello Stato di Roma. Una ricerca a tutto tondo, basata soprattutto su documenti inediti, per ricostruire, analizzando il punto di vista del Clero molisano, la situazione di una piccola regione contadina che, a proprie spese, rappresentò un punto cruciale della Seconda Guerra Mondiale soprattutto dopo la firma dell'armistizio del 8 settembre 1943. Il Molise, dopo quella data, fu bombardato, ci furono morti e feriti, gli alleati presero possesso di gran parte del territorio contribuendo al cambiamento della fisionomia regionale. Papi, Vescovi, sacerdoti e tutto il Clero, nelle sue tante sfaccettature, in vario modo, fu presente su questo campo di battaglia. La Chiesa, se da un lato, aiutò, sia moralmente che fisicamente, i molisani a sopravvivere in quel periodo di ristrettezze e di difficoltà, dall'altro, con la propria presenza sociale sul territorio, riuscì a ritagliarsi un importante ruolo di leadership, ruolo che in Molise diventò anche politico con la costituzione di partiti di chiara impronta cattolica come fu con il Partito Popolare Italiano, prima, e la Democrazia Cristina, poi. Anche le stesse associazioni cattoliche, come l'Azione Cattolica o la Fuci o le Acli, avevano assunto un segno chiaramente politico. E in Molise come anche in altre regioni del Regno Italiano, la Chiesa si schierò apertamente contro il Comunismo, nemico dichiarato della fede cristiana nonché "rinnegatore di Dio", come lo definì anche sua Santità Pio XII. I documenti utili per la stesura del lavoro sono stati consultati presso i seguenti Archivi nazionali e regionali: Archivio Segreto Vaticano Archivio Centrale di Roma Archivio della Diocesi di Campobasso – Bojano Archivio della Diocesi di Trivento Archivio della Diocesi di Termoli – Larino Archivio della Diocesi di Isernia – Venafro Archivio di Stato di Campobasso Libri Cronistorici di: Convento Sacro Cuore dei Cappuccini di Campobasso Convento San Giovanni ai Gelsi di Campobasso Parrocchia di Sant'Antonio di Padova di Campobasso Archivio privato della famiglia Gargano Archivio comunale di Capracotta ; A war is always made with a purpose. This sentence will surely be shared by The Church, that meant the Second World War as a spiritual purifying process due to the mankind to get absolution of the sin. Or at least using this interpretation, they largely influenced miserable and ignorant common people. What was the Church really aiming for? The real intention of the Church was to keep on conquering new territories and properties in order to enhance social and political supremacy, by supporting the miserable people oppressed by the war. The present work analyses socio-economical situation of a rural land as Molise Region from the Second World War up to the Reconstruction Period. The main sourced I considered, were: • Papers belonging to the Church: diocesan archives, • parish archives, • private archives, • Vatican archive, • State Archive of Campobasso, • Central State Archive of Rome. The main goal of this essay is to make a focus on the situation of a rural land that was able to represent a crucial point in the SWW, especially after the Armistice Day. The region was under the bomb, many citizens died, the allies took possession of it and changed radically the social-political environment. The rule of the Church was very important. On one hand they spiritually and economically supported this wasted land, on the other hand achieved a relevant leadership. This influence gradually led to the creation of political parties, clearly influenced by the Church. Such as Partito Popolare Italiano, at first, and the Democrazia Cristina, later. Even the same Catholic associations, such as theAzione Cattolica or the Fuci or the Acli, taken a sign clearly political. Moreover in Molise region, such as in the rest of Italy, the Church never hided, but explicitly opposed the Communism, considered as declared enemy of the religion and the Church. The documents used in the preparation of this work were consulted at the following National Archives and regional: Vatican Secret Archives Central Archive of Rome Archive of the Diocese of Campobasso – Bojano Archive of the Diocese of Trivento Archive of the Diocese of Termoli – Larino Archive of the Diocese of Isernia – Venafro State's Archive of Campobasso Historical books of: Convent of the Sacro Cuore of the Cappuccini in Campobasso Convent of San Giovanni dei Gelsi in Campobasso Parish of St. Anthony of Padua in Campobasso Private archive of the family Gargano Municipal Archive of Capracotta. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Storia della società italiana XIV-XX secolo (XXV ciclo)

The idea of cooperation and equality of ethnocultural civilizations takes different forms in the historical development of mankind. At the present stage of development, this problem is of particular scientific value, but in practice it is implemented to the international movements and organizations. Their activities are closely linked to globalization transformations. They contribute not only to positive, but also to opposing destructive tendencies that take place in the geopolitical space. Nations, ethnic groups, cultures defend their identity at any cost and not always peacefully. Actually the rules and principles of equality of nations and ethnic gorups are violated. That is why it is necessary to find out other theoretical approaches to the problem of functioning, social and cultural development of ethnocivilized entities in a single world space.In the future the uneven global economic development will be more intensive and that endangers rather fragile unity of the international community.The view on globalization as the cumulative sum of the processes reflects the most adequate impact of this phenomenon (both creative and destructive) on the activities of people. Its true face becomes clearer – it is the desire of the Western world, including the U. S., to control the whole process. It is not correct to identify globalization with Westernization or Americanization. Certainly, the West guides the process of globalization, but it does not determine its directions and results, globalization is uneven and contradictory process.New impetus to the analysis of the phenomenon of civilization and culture in the context of the historical development of humanity are associated with the emergency of global problems. The idea of civilization as a way of mankind existence becomes new today.So ethnocultural civilization also arises as the system that opposes itself to all other similar or alternative systems.Therefore, its awareness of own unity and identity is a reflection of complementarity as subconscious feeling of mutual sympathy and people totality. Each of the ethnocultural civilizations, in turn, interacts with the landscape and technosphere. These links are not random and depend on the nature of adaptation and the level of development of ethnic groups as productive forces. Ethnocultural civilizations as any other distinctive civilizations can not be unificated.A t present they demonstrate an act of their violent involvement to the single standard sample of the development – «Eurocentric» and «Post historic».This attempt was unsuccessful. An alternative to these models is the civilizational approach to history, which is the other point of view, compared to formation approach. They do not negate each other, but look different because they pose to history different questions. The theory of «end of history» reflects the real attitude of the Western world to the representatives of other cultures. History seeks the approval of liberal democracy of the industrialized countries, which raises its end.Many states however do not seek integration and want to preserve its «face», indicating that the polarization of opinions about the concept of «the end of history» becomes more intensive. All the above approaches are associated with the idea of belonging to a new type of society to «Post histor»y. ; Показано, что идея взаимодействия и равноправия этнокультурных цивилизаций приобретает различные формы в процессе исторического развития человечества. На современном этапе развития эта проблема приобретает особое научное значение, а на практике реализуется в международных движениях и организациях. Их деятельность тесно связана с глобализационными преобразованиями.Последние становятся причиной появления не только позитивных, но и противоположных деструктивных тенденций в геополитическом пространстве. Нации, этносы, культуры отстаивают свою идентичность любой ценой и не всегда мирным способом. Вследствие этого фактически нарушаются формы и принципы равноправия наций, народов. С этого момента возникает необходимость теоретического переосмысления подходов к проблеме функционирования, развития социокультурных, этноцивилизационных образований в едином мировом пространстве.Доказано, что неравномерность мирового экономического развития в будущем будет только усиливаться и, как следствие, поставит под угрозу достаточно нестойкое единство мировой общности.Взгляд на глобализацию, как на интегральную сумму процессов, наиболее адекватно отображает влияние этого явления (как творческий, так и разрушительный) на деятельность людей. Все более четко просматривается настоящее ее лицо – желание западного мира, включая США, контролировать этот процесс. Безусловно, именно Запад выступает главным проповедником глобализации, но он не определяет ее направления и результаты, глобализация – это неравномерный и противоречивый процесс. ; Показано, що ідея взаємодії й рівноправ'я етнокультурних цивілізацій набуває різних форм у процесі історичного поступу людства. На сучасному етапі розвитку ця проблема має особливе наукове значення, а на практиці реалізується в міжнародних рухах і організаціях. Їх діяльність тісно пов'язана із глобалізаційними перетвореннями. Останні сприяють появі не лише позитивних, але й протилежних деструктивних тенденцій у геополітичному просторі. Нації, етноси, культури відстоюють свою ідентичність будь-якою ціною й не завжди мирним способом. Внаслідок цього фактично порушуються норми та принципи рівноправ'я націй, народів. Відтак виникає необхідність теоретичного переосмислення підходів до проблем функціонування, розвитку соціокультурних, етноцивілізаційних утворень в єдиному світовому просторі.Доведено, що нерівномірність світового економічного розвитку в майбутньому лише посилюватиметься і, як наслідок, поставить під загрозу досить нестійку єдність світової спільноти.Погляд на глобалізацію, як на інтегральну суму процесів найбільш адекватно відображає вплив цього явища (як творчий, так і руйнівний) на діяльність людей. Все більш чітко розглядається дійсне її обличчя – прагнення західного світу, включаючи США, контролювати цей процес. Безумовно, саме Захід виступає головним провідником глобалізації, але він не визначає її напрямки і результати, глобалізація – це нерівномірний і суперечливий процес.

There is a tendency in academic studies and in the media for inordinate attention to be paid to the competitive and conflictual face of government and politics in federal systems. This is so for a number of reasons. Conflict is played up by representatives of governments because it is easy to blame 'the other side'. State leaders play the game of 'Canberra bashing' because their local media appreciate it, and because it rallies their constituents behind them. Conflict becomes the public face of federalism, too, because disagreement and argument are more newsworthy. This is true of most reporting of politics. The public image of relations between the Northern Territory and the Commonwealth government is certainly no exception to this general rule. In fact, it has often been said that these relations are even more conflictual than is usually the case in Australian federalism, because of the long history of 'benign neglect' and 'colonial' domination of the Northern Territory by the Commonwealth of Australia, and because of the fact that since self-government was given to the Northern Territory in 1978, the Commonwealth government has held back for itself a number of significant responsibilities. A recent discussion of Northern Territory government and politics sums up the standard view: The relations between the Commonwealth and the state governments can normally best be described as a stable condition of mutual suspicion. But relations between the Territory and the Commonwealth go beyond even that. The Northern Territory government exhibits a hostile suspicion towards Canberra that appears to verge on paranoia but in reality reflects the longer term economic and political difficulties faced by the Territory. 'Canberra' assumes an importance in Territory politics that is unique among Australian states, 'Canberra' is the fulcrum of Territory politics. This is so for both constitutional and economic reasons (Gerritsen and Jaensch 1986, 152). This study sets out to paint a fuller picture of the place of the Northern Territory in the Australian federal system. In so doing it seeks to redress the balance somewhat by concentrating not on the public face of federalism which is played out in parliament, in press releases and in election campaigns and which subsequently dominates media reports, but on the private face which is daily life for public servants and politicians. This is the world of intergovernmental relations in which representatives of the Commonwealth, states and territories work alongside one another and are in frequent contact with one another making and implementing public policies across the whole spectrum of government activities. Most of these representatives are public servants; some are ministers. Public servants as a whole do not have a high profile so much of this activity is out of the public eye, unrecorded and hence unreported. Government is a collective term for a large number of individuals: a team of ministers supported by thousands of public servants and other government employees organised into departments and agencies. Intergovernment relations means, therefore, any contact or joint activity between any part of two or more governments. In the Northern Territory's case it may be an informal meeting between the Chief Minister and the Prime Minister (Paul Everingham recalls a fleeting conversation which he had with the Prime Minister between two passing cars in Darwin); it may be a telephone call between a Northern Territory public servant based in Darwin and a Commonwealth public servant based in Canberra; it may be two such officers located in Alice Springs or one of the smaller Northern Territory towns or communities cooperating in a joint program. Some of the relations are formalised: a meeting of the Premiers Conference and Loan Council in Canberra; a workshop for technical experts anywhere in Australia; a Northern Territory Treasury submission to the Commonwealth Grants Commission or to the Industries Assistance Commission. The possibilities are endless. Intergovernmental relations encompass a web of activities, which the professional literature disarmingly calls interaction. This study is about all of these relations. The four major chapters are about the most important elements in the Northern Territory's intergovernmental relations: (i) intergovernmental meetings of many types between ministers and/or officers; (ii)the role in intergovernmental relations of the Northern Territory's central agencies: the Chief Minister's department and the Treasury; (iii) relations which take place in the Northern Territory between a part of the Northern Territory government and a part of the Commonwealth government which is located in the Northern Territory; (iv) the part played in intergovernmental relations by Northern Territory Government representatives in Canberra, including Federal parliamentarians and lobbyists. The aim of this study is to describe as many aspects of the relationship as possible and to generalise about them. As there is not one relationship but very many, generalisation is difficult and potentially dangerous. However, rather than focus on one or two departments, institutions or policy fields the study aims to explore the diversity and variety in the relationships. Where a choice has had to be made, depth has been sacrificed for breadth. Participants whom I have interviewed will all know much more about their particular field than I do, but I hope to have gained a perspective of the whole which very few, if any, participants possess.

In its jurisprudence relating to Article 267 TFEU, the Court of Justice of the European Union seems to oscillate between two different approaches. According to the jurisprudential mainstream, the preliminary ruling is an instrument of dialogue between national courts and the Court of Justice. This constant dialogue can fulfill the role assigned to the Court to ensure consistency of interpretation and application of Union law. Another line of cases, however, seems to make preliminary rulings means for individuals to ensure their rights which derive from EU law. These two visions of the preliminary references recently have been opposed in discussions about a particular aspect of the preliminary procedure, which is the late withdrawal of the question referred by the national court. In fact, when the national court considered that the response of the Court of Justice was not "necessary to render judgment," it could, at any time, including both before and after the deliberate publication, date the judgment to the parties and remove this issue. Therefore, the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice became dependent on matters of procedure (dealings between the parties, amicable agreements, etc.) that occurred in extremis before the national court, which sometimes cast doubt on a possible manipulation of the Court by the parties to the main proceedings. It became necessary to find a solution to solve this problem. The two different visions were then compared. If the preliminary ruling is conceived as an additional instrument for the rights that individuals derive from EU law, there is no need for the Court of Justice of the European Union to make a decision when the dispute is resolved before the national court and the defendant has obtained satisfaction. Conversely, if the preliminary ruling is conceived as an instrument to ensure the uniform application and interpretation of EU law, this judgment may be necessary. In fact, without deciding in abstracto, the Court in its judgement will anchor an interpretation that should be applied in all similar cases in the courts of the 27 Member States. In this case, a judgment may still be necessary, even if the dispute before the national court ended off. In order to preserve this approach, the new Rules of Procedure now contain a provision in Article 100 (1) which reads as follows: "The Court shall remain seised of a request for a preliminary ruling for as long as it is not withdrawn by the court or tribunal which made that request to the Court. The withdrawal of a request may be taken into account until notice of the date of delivery of the judgment has been served on the interest persons referred to in Article 23 of the Statute". Thus, the late withdrawal of a request for a preliminary ruling is clearly limited in time and, even if such removal would occur in extremis, the judgment of the Court will be delivered in the interest of interpretation and uniform application of Union law ; Savo praktikoje, susijusioje su SESV 267 straipsniu, Europos Sąjungos Teisingumo Teismas, regis, svyruoja tarp dviejų skirtingų požiūrių. Pagal vyraujančią jurisprudencijos kryptį prašymas priimti prejudicinį sprendimą yra instrumentas, skirtas dialogui tarp nacionalinių teisėjų ir Sąjungos teisėjo, dialogui, kuris savo nuoseklumu leidžia Teismui atlikti jam pavestą vaidmenį – užtikrinti Sąjungos teisės aiškinimo ir taikymo vienodumą. Kita vertus, antroji jurisprudencijos kryptis prašymą priimti prejudicinį sprendimą laiko priemone privatiems asmenims užsitikrinti pagarbą savo teisėms, kylančioms iš Sąjungos teisės. Šie du požiūriai į prašymą priimti prejudicinį sprendimą neseniai buvo susikirtę per diskusijas, susijusias su ypatingu prejudicinio sprendimo priėmimo proceso aspektu: prašymą pateikusio teismo vėlyvu prejudicinio klausimo atsiėmimu. Iš tiesų, manydamas, kad Teismo atsakymas nebėra "būtinas sprendimui nagrinėjamoje byloje priimti", prašymą priimti prejudicinį sprendimą pateikęs teismas galėdavo atsiimti minėtą klausimą bet kuriuo momentu, taip pat ir tuomet, kai jau būdavo pasibaigę Teismo pasitarimai ir šalims būdavo pranešta sprendimo paskelbimo data. Todėl Teismo kompetencija darėsi vis labiau priklausoma nuo galimų procesinių veiksmų (šalių susitarimų, taikos sutarčių ir t. t.), atliekamų in extremis nacionaliniuose teismuose ir kartais leidusių sklisti abejonėms dėl pagrindinės bylos šalių galimai atliekamos Teismo istrumentalizacijos. Iškilo būtinybė rasti šios problemos sprendimą. Tuomet ir susikirto minėti požiūriai į prašymą priimti prejudicinį sprendimą. Iš tiesų, jei prašymas priimti prejudicinį sprendimą vertinamas kaip papildomas instrumentas pagarbai individų teisėms, jų kildinamoms iš Sąjungos teisės, užtikrinti, tai, nacionaliniam teismui išsprendus ginčą ir patenkinus ieškovo reikalavimus, ESTT nebereikia priimti sprendimo. Tačiau, priešingai, jei prašymas priimti prejudicinį sprendimą suvokiamas kaip instrumentas, leidžiantis užtikrinti Sąjungos teisės aiškinimo ir taikymo vienodumą, šis sprendimas gali pasirodyti būtinas. Iš tiesų, nepasisakydamas in abstracto, konkrečiu atveju priimamu prejudiciniu sprendimu Teismas įtvirtina aiškinimą, kuris turės būti taikomas visų 27 valstybių narių teismų visose panašiose bylose. Būtent šiuo atveju sprendimas gali išlikti būtinas, net jei nebelieka ginčo prašymą priimti prejudicinį sprendimą pateikusiame teisme. Siekiant apsaugoti šį požiūrį į prašymą priimti prejudicinį sprendimą, naujojo procedūros reglamento 100 straipsnio 1 dalyje įtvirtinta tokia nuostata: "Teismas nagrinėja prašymą priimti prejudicinį sprendimą tol, kol tokį prašymą pateikęs teismas jo neatsiėmė. Į prašymo atsiėmimą gali būti atsižvelgta iki pranešimo apie sprendimo paskelbimo datą įteikimo Statuto 23 straipsnyje nurodytiems suinteresuotiesiems asmenims". Taip vėlyvas prašymo priimti prejudicinį sprendimą atsiėmimas buvo labai aiškiai apribotas laike, ir net jei toks prašymas bus pateiktas in extremis, Teismo sprendimas bus paskelbtas siekiant užtikrinti vienodą Sąjungos teisės aiškinimą ir taikymą