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"Today the South Pacific is the theatre of environmental and related social developments induced by climate change that are destined to affect other regions of the world sooner or later. For this reason Pacific Island Countries (PIC) are of particular interest within the discourse on climate change and its social effects. This paper gives an overview of climate changeinduced migration in the Pacific, starting with a brief sketch of the environmental impact of climate change on PIC. It then presents a prominent example of resettlement, namely the case of the Carterets Islands in the Autonomous Region of Bougainville (Papua New Guinea), focussing on the islanders' capabilities and agency. The paper then goes on to address some transnational dimensions of climate change-induced migration in the Pacific, drawing on the cases of Kiribati and Tuvalu in particular. The domestic-transnational interface, the role of labour migration, remittances and diasporas are discussed. Based on empirical findings, the main challenges of resettlement are identified: the land-people connection, attitudes of recipient communities, conflict, governance, and funding. The paper closes with some more general considerations that flow from the South Pacific experiences, highlighting inter alia the need for long-term international planning. It becomes clear that communities in the South Pacific are not just helpless victims of an overwhelming fate, but are bestowed with admirable resilience, ingenuity and capabilities which they draw upon when coping with the challenges of climate change–induced migration." (author's abstract)

Context Chlamydia species impose major global burdens on both human and animal health. However, chlamydial infections of wild rodents have been understudied, posing limitations on assessments of disease risks for rodent conservation translocations. This is particularly true when there is evidence of infection in proposed source populations, as occurred for the Shark Bay mouse (Pseudomys gouldii) translocations to Dirk Hartog Island. Aims The aim of this study was to reduce uncertainty surrounding the risks posed by Chlamydia for these translocations by: (1) determining the presence, prevalence and diversity of Chlamydia in rodent populations in the Shark Bay region of Western Australia; (2) identifying associations with health parameters; and (3) assessing for evidence of cross-species transmission. Methods Swab, faecal and tissue samples from 110 wild-caught individuals (comprising five rodent and two marsupial species) were collected across four islands in Western Australia. These samples were analysed by a Chlamydiaceae 23s rRNA qPCR in a 14-month cross-sectional study conducted between 2020 and 2021. Key results In total, 20% of all individuals (22/110; 95%CI 13.6–28.4) from five species, including 19% (19/100; 95% CI 12.5–27.8) of rodents, were positive by the Chlamydiaceae qPCR, although in low loads. Further attempts at species identification of the Chlamydiaceae were unsuccessful. Our results found no detectable adverse health associations, or significant associated pathological findings, with low molecular loads supporting an asymptomatic infection state. Additionally, there were no disease associations in Shark Bay bandicoots (Perameles bougainville) despite the presence of an ocular disease syndrome previously linked to chlamydial infection in this species. Conclusions and implications Our findings suggest that sub-clinical chlamydial infections in wild Australian rodents may be widespread, but for the Dirk Hartog Island translocations, the risks of Chlamydia associated with movement of Shark Bay mice are likely low. The results highlight how current knowledge gaps pertaining to wildlife health can be addressed through collaborative approaches to translocation planning and implementation.

Between November 2018 and 2020, residents of New Caledonia will have three opportunities to vote on whether to become an independent state. Residents of the Autonomous Region of Bougainville will vote on the same issue in June 2019. Should the residents of either territory vote for independence, the issue of whether a language shall be designated the national and / or official language for the new state will arise. If the decision is to designate a language for the new state, the choice of which language will also surface. This chapter considers the language choices made by a number of countries across the linguistically diverse Asia Pacific region post-independence and in so doing, provides some models for the language configurations which may eventuate should either territory become independent. The linguistic configurations discussed here are divided into Category 1 - countries where a national and / or official language are legally specified or have de jure legal status. - and Category 2 – countries where no language is legally named but at least one language may be de facto national or official. Examples of Category 1 countries include Indonesia where Bahasa Indonesia is the only de jure national and official language and Vanuatu where Bislama is the de jure national language and is also a de jure co-official language with both English and French, the languages of the former colonial powers. Examples of Category 2 countries discussed here include Papua New Guinea where Tok Pisin is named as one of the possible languages needed for an applicant to become a Papua New Guinean citizen but does not have de jure national language status and the Solomon Islands where Pijin is the de facto national language and English is the de facto official language.
Whilst the results of either the Bougainville and New Caledonian referenda are not clear, the different configurations already in place serve as a pointer to what may eventuate should the residents of either territory vote for independence.

Intro -- Foreword -- Preface -- Introduction -- Section One - Theorising Hybridity -- 1. The 'Hybrid Turn': Approaches and Potentials -- 2. Power, Politics and Hybridity -- 3. Hybridity Revisited: Relational Approaches to Peacebuilding in Complex Sociopolitical Orders -- 4. Should the Concept of Hybridity Be Used Normatively as well as Descriptively? -- 5. Is There Still a Place for Liberal Peacebuilding? -- 6. Against Hybridity in the Study of Peacebuilding and Statebuilding -- Section Two - Hybridity and Peacebuilding -- 7. Hybridisation of Peacebuilding at the Local-International Interface: The Bougainville Case -- 8. Reflections on Hybridity as an Analytical Lens on State Formation: The Case of Solomon Islands -- 9. Engaging with 'The Everyday': Towards a More Dynamic Conception of Hybrid Transitional Justice -- 10. Post-hybridity Bargaining and Embodied Accountability in Communities in Conflict, Mozambique -- 11. Hybrid Peacebuilding in Hybrid Communities: A Case Study of East Timor -- Section Three - Hybridity, Security and Politics -- 12. Hybrid Peace/War -- 13. (In)Security and Hybrid Justice Systems in Mindanao, Philippines -- Section Four - Hybridity and Gender -- 14. Inside and Out: Violence against Women and Spatiality in Timor‑Leste -- 15. Hybridity and Regulatory Authority in Fiji: Vernacular Perspectives on Gender and Security -- 16. Hybridity in Port Moresby: Gender, Class and a 'Tiny Bit of Feminism' in Postcolonial Papua New Guinea -- Contributors -- References

1. Introduction : diminishing conflicts : learning from the Asia-Pacific / Edward Aspinall, Robin Jeffrey and Anthony J. Regan -- 2. Timor-Leste : international intervention, gender and the dangers of negative peace / Susan Harris Rimmer -- 3. Maluku : anomie to reconciliation / John Braithwaite -- 4. Aceh : democratization and the politics of co-option / Edward Aspinall -- 5. Solomon Islands : from uprising to intervention / Matthew Allen and Sinclair Dinnen -- 6. Punjab : federalism, elections, suppression / Robin Jeffrey -- 7. Sri Lanka : the end of war and the continuation of struggle / Bina D'Costa -- 8. Bougainville : conflict deferred? / Anthony J. Regan -- 9. The Chittagong Hill Tracts : diminishing violence or violent peace? / Kabita Chakma and Bina D'Costa -- 10. Eastern Burma : long wars without exhaustion / Desmond Ball and Nicholas Farrelly -- 11. Fiji : the politics of conflict reduction / John Fraenkel -- 12. Southern Thailand : marginalization, injustice and the failure to govern / Tyrell Haberkorn -- 13. Pakistan's federally administered tribal areas : cause or symptom of national insecurity? / Paul D'Arcy -- 14. The Philippines : the ongoing saga of Moro separatism / Ron J. May -- 15. Kashmir : placating frustrated people / Christopher Snedden -- 16. The southern highlands of Papua New Guinea : conflict ignored / Nicole Haley -- 17. Conclusion : lessons / Edward Aspinall, Robin Jeffrey and Anthony J. Regan.

1. Between global and local : the contest for development / Eric Waddell and John Connell -- 2. Volcanic eruption as metaphor of social integration : a political ecological study of Mount Merapi, Central Java / Michael R. Dove -- 3. Pacific island rural development : challenges and prospects in Kiribati / Frank R. Thomas and Kautoa Tonganibeia -- 4. Agricultural landscapes of Kadavu : persistence and change on the Fijian periphery / Robert Kuhlken -- 5. Tree crops and the cultivated landscapes of the southwest Pacific / Jean Kennedy and William Clarke -- 6. Land reform and the state in Vietnam's northwestern mountains / Thomas Sikor -- 7. Seeds of discontent : oil palm and the changing production strategies among smallholders in Papua New Guinea / George N. Curry and Gina Koczberski -- 8. Holding on to modernity? Siwai, Bougainville, Papua New Guinea / John Connell -- 9. Oil palm expansion in Sarawak : lessons learned by a latecomer? / Niels Fold and Tina Svan Hansen -- 10. Can Indonesia's complex agroforests survive globalisation and decentralisation? Sanggau District, West Kalimantan / Lesley Potter and Simon Badcock -- 11. Seeing 'water blindness' : water control in agricultural intensification and environmental change in the Mekong Delta, Vietnam / Fiona Miller -- 12. Rethinking watershed science : lessons from Thailand / Tim Forsyth -- 13. Civil society and interdependencies : towards a regional political ecology of Mekong development / Philip Hirsch.

Peace journalism or 'conflict-sensitive journalism', as it is sometimes referred to in the Philippines, has emerged belatedly in the context of critical studies in Oceania, notably at the University of the South Pacific in the Fiji Islands, where seminars over the past two years have addressed conflict reporting and the notion of peace journalism (Robie, 2011; Singh, 2011). This academic field (Keeble et al., 2010; Shaw at al., 2011) has become increasingly addressed as an appropriate paradigm in a South Pacific context, following a 10-year civil war in Bougainville in the 1990s and an ethnic conflict in the Solomon Islands in the early 2000s. With other political upheavals such as four coups d'état in Fiji in two decades, paramilitary revolts in Vanuatu, riots in Tahiti and Tonga, protracted conflict in Papua New Guinea's Highlands, and an earlier pro-independence insurrection in New Caledonia in the 1980s, conflict resolution poses challenges for the region's journalists and their education and training. On the fringe of the South Pacific geopolitical region are the independent state of Timor-Leste and two contested Melanesian provinces of Indonesia known collectively within Oceania as 'West Papua'. A Pacific media freedom report in October 2011 raised an unprecedented profile for both Timor-Leste and West Papua in the region, describing the latter in particular as a media 'blind spot' (Perrottet & Robie, 2011). Both territories experienced recent elections and in West Papua a controversy over a protracted miners' strike and the future of the Freeport mine have been issues where the performance of the Pacific region's news media has been under scrutiny. This paper examines the conflict reporting framework in the South Pacific, and articulates two case studies in Timor-Leste and West Papua within the context of a widening global debate about peace journalism.

This paper draws upon Michael Watts's work on governable spaces and " economies of violence" in the Niger Delta (2004a,b,c) and Colin Filer's concept of the " ideology of landownership" in Papua New Guinea (1997) to explore how resource capitalism has been at the heart of violent conflict in post-colonial Melanesia. This schema of the political ecology of violence is elucidated with reference to three governable spaces - landownership, indigeneity, and nationalism; four different resource-industrial complexes - mining, oil and gas, logging, and oil palm; and the region's three most serious conflicts to date - the Bougainville conflict, the Solomon Islands 'ethnic tension', and on-going violence in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, particularly in Enga and Southern Highlands provinces. It is argued that in each of these places the story of violent conflict is ineluctably one of resource capitalism and its engagement with local socio-political contexts. In sharp contrast to the resource determinism, state-centrism and ahistoricism of much of the 'resource conflict' literature, attention to governmentality and scale highlights the highly contextual and contingent nature of resource-related violence in Melanesia. The diverse experiences of different regulatory approaches to the encounters between resource complexes and governable spaces across time and space are also examined, giving rise to policy implications for governing resource conflict in Melanesia.

This essay sets up a comparison between two types of negotiating tactics: the first, aggregating strategies, aims at merging parties into the fewest number of sides to a conflict as possible, in order to diminish the number of war‐related divisions, and the second, disaggregating strategies, rests on the idea that "cross‐cutting cleavages" help moderate social conflict because they run against the construction of opposed identities. Much of the literature on intrastate conflict and rebellions supports the latter approach, but little comparative analysis on the social costs and benefits of the two types has, in reality, been carried out. By drawing lessons from the insurgencies in Aceh, Bougainville and, in part, the Solomon Islands, the article takes up an opportunity‐based spoilers' framework to analyze the strategies. It concludes that neither of the two can be identified as a "best method" if measured against sustainability and social impact, nor does one of them have a stronger effect on spoilers. In either case, the study underlines, there is an intrinsic value in long‐term peace processes as constituted by repeated negotiations and continuing interaction; likewise, there are webbing effects of war on peacebuilding scenarios as a process of multiplication of social cleavages occurs after conflict.

A modo de introducción / Ottmar Ette, Gesine Müller -- Worldwide: living in transarchipelagic worlds / Ottmar Ette -- Quand les Indes rencontrent les imaginaires du monde / Khal Torabully -- Construcions identitaires et communication hybride: de l'abbé Bouhours à l'archipélisation mauricienne / Ralph Ludwig -- L'île-archipélique, le Madagascar polyphonique de Raharimanana: nœud de communication et récepteur mondial / Ute Fendler -- Pensée archipélique versus francophonie: la mise en scène littéraire de l'inclusion et de l'exclusion / Gesine Müller -- L'imaginaire géopolitique de la Polynésie dans la littérature française: de Bougainville à Chantal T. Spitz / Torsten König -- Oceanic modernity: indigeneity, globality and cultural translation / Lars Eckstien, Anja Schwarz -- Archipel de progrès: discours sur la civilisation et la race à Cuba et Porto Rico / Consuelo Naranjo Orovio -- Los perros ingleses y los perros esclavos: exclusión, animalización y convivencia en Cecilia Valdés de Cirilo Villaverde / Leonie Meyer-Krentler -- "Il n'est vraie parole en Caraïbe que la schizophrénie: autour du Sprialism / Natascha Ueckmann -- Entre Island Hopping e islas con alas: autoras en el Caribe y sus figuraciones archipiélicas en relatos de viaje del siglo XIX / Johanna Abel -- México y Haití: ¿es posible la cooperación entre dos países en desarrollo? / Carlos Alba, Gustavo Vega -- Archipiélagos literarios: América Latina, las batallas de lo universal y lo local / Jorge Volpi -- Archipels minoritaires: littératures de l'exiguïté et résistances culturelles dans les espaces francophones insulaires en Amérique du Nord / Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink -- Las plantaciones bananeras como archipiélagos globales: visiones desde América Latina y el Caribe / Héctor Pérez Brignoli -- Archipelago or continental island?: reflections on Brazilian insularity / Heike Muranyi -- Ex-islados: construcciones de ida y vuelta entre la isla y el continente / Anne Kraume -- Heterolingual address and transnationality: translation and bordering / Naoki Sakai -- Entre les îles alliées: la traduction, médiatrice des cultures, et l'œvre d'Édouard Glissant / Beate Thill -- L'archipel des hommes-crocodiles: modernité, archaïsme et stratégie narrative chez Kossi Efoui / Markus Messling -- The metaphor of the archipelago / Bertrand Wesphal -- Vergeht die Zeit anders in Japan? / Yoko Tawada

Books reviewed: China Edward Friedman and Barrett L. McCormick (eds), What if China Doesn' t Democratize? Implications for War and PeaceShaohua Hu, Explaining Chinese DemocratizationS. A. Smith, A Road is Made: Communism in Shanghai 1920–1927Maram Epstein, Competing Discourses: orthodoxy, Authenticity, and Engendered Meanings in Late Imperial Chinese Fiction Japan, Korea Brian J. McVeigh, Wearing Ideology: state, Schooling and Self‐Presentation in JapanAlison McQueen Tokita, Kiyomoto‐bushi. Narrative Music of the Kabuki TheatreTimothy J. Craig, Japan Pop! Inside the World of Japanese Popular CultureBert Edstrom (ed), The Japanese and Europe: images and Perceptions South, West and Central Asia Siri Gamage and I. B. Watson (eds), Conflict and Community in Contemporary Sri Lanka: "Pearl of the East" or the "Island of Tears".Ranabir Samaddar, The Marginal Nation: transborder Migration from Bangladesh to West Bengal General Asia David Walker, Anxious Nation: Australia and the Rise of Asia 1850–1939J.S. Eades, Tom Gill and Harumi Befu (eds), Globalization and Social Change in Contemporary JapanYamamoto Yoshinobu (ed), Globalism, Regionalism & Nationalism. Asia in Search of its Role in the 21st CenturyDonald Denoon, Getting Under the Skin: the Bougainville Copper Agreement and the Creation of the Panguna MineJoanne R. Bauer and Daniel A. Bell (eds), The East Asian Challenge for Human RightsAnne‐Marie Hilsdon, Martha MacIntyre, Vera Mackie and Maila Stivens (eds), Human Rights and Gender Politics: Asia‐Pacific Perspectives

This case study examines contemporary experiences of conflict in four contexts: Papua New Guinea, with particular reference to the island of Bougainville and the Highlands region; Solomon Islands; and Vanuatu. We find common themes in these experiences, despite the regions famous sociolinguistic diversity, fragmented geography and varied experience of globalization. Melanesia offers distinctive lessons about how conflict may be understood, promoted and avoided. The paper is organized in two broad parts. The first part is contextual. It provides a brief account of conflict and violence in social life before and after colonization. It then tracks, largely chronologically, through the local, national and transnational dimensions of contemporary conflict, how it was avoided, how it has changed, and how it has been managed in different contexts. Particular attention is given to global and regional influences, and to how governments, local people, and external security, development and commercial actors, have worked to mitigate and, at times, exacerbate conflict. The second part of the case study is more analytical. It steps back from the particulars to address themes and propositions in the overall conceptual framing of World Development Report (WDR) 2011 about the nature of conflict, and the underlying stresses and interests that may render it more likely. Part two draws lessons from the histories and contexts discussed in part one. The report organizes these around three themes that reflect views shared with us by people during consultations. The first highlights the need to recognize conflict as an inherent part of social change and thus the need to distinguish between socially generative social contest, and forms of conflict that are corrosive and destructive. The second examines how the ways people 'see' and understand the world directly shapes systems of regulation and 'the rules of the game' and thus directly affect responses to conflict. The third theme argues that capable and legitimate institutions to regulate social contest requires not just capable state institutions, but as much, relationships with local and international agents and organizations operating below and above the state.

AbstractThe proposal of new negotiation formulae in the midst of stalemated conflicts can help to reframe the problem and restart dialogue. They can also unleash new controversy. The Moroccan Initiative for Negotiating an Autonomy Statute for the Sahara Region is a formulaic proposal advanced by Morocco to describe the broad outlines for Sahrawi autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty. It has been the subject of debate within the international community since it was first introduced in April 2007. Until now, however, discussion of its efficacy as a formulaic basis for a negotiated resolution to the Western Sahara dispute has largely outweighed serious consideration of how the proposal relates to current understandings of international law concerning self-determination and free association. Like Western Sahara, the Cook Islands, Niue, Aceh, New Caledonia, and Bougainville are cases of non-self-governing territories and other high autonomy arrangements where there has been recognition of the need to substitute, as the basis for ending the conflict, a comprehensive negotiated political status, in place of frequently unworkable or unattractive alternatives such as a contentious referendum on independence, open-ended talks, or continued armed conflict. In light of the lessons learned from actual state practice and international responses in the foregoing cases, an assessment of the present Moroccan proposal demonstrates that with some improvements, it may offer a viable new starting point for negotiations. The result of using this plan as a formula to restart negotiations can be the attainment for Western Sahara of a full measure of self-government ‐ in a manner consistent with international law ‐ by means of free association.

Conzinc Riotinto of Australia Limited (CRA) was the largest mining group in Australia after BHP. It had a major influence upon the post‐Second World War mining sector and Australian economy. It was responsible for some of the country's largest resource developments, establishing an integrated aluminium industry, playing the principal role in the development of Australia's iron ore export industry, and developing a major copper deposit on the Island of Bougainville. CRA was established in 1962 as the Australian arm of the British mining group, Rio Tinto Zinc Corporation Limited (RTZ), formed through the merger of The Rio Tinto Company Limited with The Consolidated Zinc Limited. Consolidated Zinc was also London‐listed, although with a deep Australian heritage based on its involvement in lead and zinc mining at Broken Hill. CRA's status as a foreign‐owned and controlled company had a major influence upon its corporate priorities for the two decades following its formation. The company's foreign majority ownership restricted its business opportunities, particularly during the 1970s. However, as early as the mid‐1960s, anti‐CRA sentiment was evident from politicians, public servants, Australian mining competitors and, to some extent, the public. CRA's standing as "un‐Australian" was viewed by company management as an impediment to attracting and retaining quality employees. These factors led CRA to engage with successive Commonwealth Governments to attempt to secure arrangements more accommodating to its business interests. This involved considerations as diverse as the takeover of the London parent company — to facilitate greater Australian shareholding in the Australian entity — through to the restructuring of CRA's interests in a new majority‐owned Australian company. Ultimately, CRA was instrumental in changing foreign investment legislation, providing a pathway for it as a foreign‐owned company to move to an Australianised or majority Australian‐owned status. With this, CRA had an ability to participate in resource investments on terms similar to those for Australian companies. CRA gained naturalising status in 1979 and, in 1986, that of a naturalised or Australianised company. Differences in perspectives relating to strategic direction and financial management between the parent company in London and CRA in Melbourne, brought to the fore issues of control. The situation became so serious that it resulted in the departure of the chairman and chief executive on the eve of CRA achieving Australian majority‐owned status. The events had a later influence on the formation of a dual‐listed company structure in 1996. Through this structure, RTZ regained majority share ownership of the assets previously held in the Australian company. CRA lost its naturalised status and its identity as Australia's then second largest Australian mining company.