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While numerous explanations for vote-switching have been proposed (e.g. declining rates of partisanship, ideological shifts, partisan ambivalence, change in policy preferences), far less work has examined the personality profile of people more likely to engage in this behaviour. In Study 1, we examined the relationship between both general (i.e. openness, conscientiousness) and antagonistic (i.e. psychopathy, narcissism, Machiavellianism) personality traits and the intent to switch one's vote in a large sample of Canadian citizens, while controlling for several established correlates such as age, income and political interest. Of all personality traits, only individuals higher in openness reported a greater intent to engage in vote switching. Despite our expectations, Machiavellianism, a trait characterized by its strategic nature, was unrelated to vote switching intentions. In Study 2, we addressed several methodological reasons for why antagonistic traits may have been unrelated to vote switching intentions in Study 1 by examining the traits at the facet level and utilizing a new measure of Machiavellianism among a separate sample of Canadian citizens. Here again, we found little evidence for a relationship between antagonistic traits, including Machiavellianism, and vote switching intentions.

AbstractThe existing literature on vote switching – a major cause of electoral change – rarely discusses strategic incentives as motivating voters to switch parties between elections. We study how coalition-directed voting, a common type of strategic voting in parliamentary democracies, affects vote switching. Utilizing an original three-wave online panel survey conducted in Israel in 2019–2020, we show that voters engage in formateur optimization and policy balancing: they switch their vote in order to affect the identity of the next formateur and desert a party they previously voted for if they believe it will not enter the next coalition. We also show that the perceived level of competition between potential formateurs moderates the effect of coalition expectations on vote switching. The paper highlights the importance of coalition and formateur considerations in electoral change and contributes to a better understanding of both coalition-directed voting and individual-level vote switching.

To facilitate empirical understanding of voter decision-making processes, a number of studies in the field are examined. V. O. Key's theoretical orientation (THE RESPONSIBLE ELECTORATE: RATIONALITY IN PRESIDENTIAL VOTING 1936-1960, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard U Press, 1966) wherein predictions are made as to switching behavior (whether the voter decides to switch or "stand pat"), is chosen as a research framework. Data were collected for a sample population of 639 voters chosen from the SRC 1968 Presidential Election Study National Cross-Section Sample. The dependent variable was whether or not the voter changed his decision on votes in 1968 as compared to 1964. A model of rational voting decision process is constructed from the findings & is then applied to various categories of voters to observe parameter changes within the model. Personal characteristics & attitudes used as criteria for subsamples include: education, where the voter decision was made, economic change per R, & the f with which the voter read about the election. General results of the analysis again emerge as an extensive model. The patterns of the model are described in detail & compared to both the SRC model & Key's model. 5 Tables, 2 Figures. C. Grindle.

How do party members manage recurring and divisive foreign policy agendas? Do they stay the course or switch their position? The annual decision in Congress regarding the extension of China's most favored nation (MFN) status was a high-profile foreign policy battle between the anti-China coalition and its pro-China counterpart. To test theories of members' vote choice and change, this article analyzes the U.S. House of Representatives roll call votes over China trade policy from 1990 through 2000. Despite the conventional wisdom of voting stability over a recurring agenda, some members engaged in a substantial amount of vote switching. Changes in voting context such as party status, constituency interests, campaign finance, and seniority contributed to members' position shifts. The findings of this study suggest that cross-cutting domestic interests over foreign policy debates in the post—Cold War era lead party members to recalculate the benefits of vote stability and the costs of vote switching.

Assuming that the electoral success of niche parties in EP elections is largely due to the vote switching in EP elections, this study seeks to explore the motivations leading mainstream party supporters to switch to niche parties in EP elections ( niche switching voters). From the results of analyses, some important findings could be drawn. First, for niche switching voters, the 'protest voting' motivation is very important motive. In particular, they are strongly driven by their profound distrust in mainstream politics in switching to niche parties. Second, unlike the existing literature, European considerations matter in their voting behavior. Third, vote choice based on the niche issues also has important effect on their voting behavior. This demonstrates clearly that, niche switching voters are different from other switching voters.