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AbstractMuch attention has been paid recently to land grabs in rural and urban areas of the global South, but relatively little attention has been paid to such activities in the third dimension—vertical space. Yet vertical space has also been increasingly colonized, as manifest in the transformation of mega‐city skylines through the proliferating number and height of high‐rises in both central cities and peri‐urban developments. We investigate how floor area ratio policies, originally designed to control densification, have been reworked to facilitate densification through floor area uplift. Thus a tool originally developed to advance public welfare has been used to facilitate the profitability of real estate projects for developers and to benefit local governments. Taking DKI Jakarta as our case study, we sketch out the coevolution of this policy with urban regimes, focusing on the mid‐2010s when compensation measures were formalized and made transparent. By using a particular project in Jakarta's central business district we show how the benefits of floor area uplift favor private sector developers over the local government. In a context of rapidly increasing land values, increasing demand for housing from an emergent middle class, and particularly the privatization of planning, this unevenness systematically favors the private sector.

"Each century has its own unique approach toward addressing the problem of high density and the 21st century is no exception. As cities try to cope with rapid population growth -- adding 2.5 billion dwellers by 2050 -- and grapple with destructive sprawl, politicians, planners and architects have become increasingly interested in the vertical city paradigm. Unfortunately, cities all over the world are grossly unprepared for integrating tall buildings, as these buildings may aggravate multidimensional sustainability challenges resulting in a 'vertical sprawl' that could have worse consequences than 'horizontal' sprawl. By using extensive data and numerous illustrations this book provides a comprehensive guide to the successful and sustainable integration of tall buildings into cities. A new crop of skyscrapers that employ passive design strategies, green technologies, energy-saving systems and innovative renewable energy offers significant architectural improvements. At the urban scale, the book argues that planners must integrate tall buildings with efficient mass transit, walkable neighbourhoods, cycling networks, vibrant mixed-use activities, iconic transit stations, attractive plazas, well-landscaped streets, spacious parks and engaging public art. Particularly, it proposes the Tall Building and Transit Oriented Development (TB-TOD) model as one of the sustainable options for large cities going forward. Building on the work of leaders in the fields of ecological and sustainable design, this book will open readers' eyes to a wider range of possibilities for utilizing green, resilient, smart, and sustainable features in architecture and urban planning projects. The 20 chapters offer comprehensive reading for all those interested in the planning, design, and construction of sustainable cities."--Page 4 of cover

International audience ; If one were to create a map of the city of Hong Kong staged by Hollywood, it would be mainly comprised of business districts (pure vertical shapes) and apart, of some exotic neighborhoods. Thus becomes invisible a whole series of areas, less cinegenic most probably, but also more representative of the sociological and geographical diversity of Hong Kong. So this article focuses on the role that the city occupies in films, on the urban traits it projects, and on the geopolitical values of such representations to the governing State. Films not only provide structure for our imaginations, they also play a part in the perception of 'realness': how we perceive the real world in our daily lives, establishing a connection between our knowledge and our beliefs. As such, they construct the framework in which we view the world and also influence our representations and perceptions. As such, they become political tools, used as mass influencers by the State. ; Si on devait faire une cartographie et une sociologie du Hong Kong produit par Hollywood, celui-ci serait majoritairement composé de quartiers d'affaires prenant la forme de pures silhouettes verticales. À leurs marges, on trouverait quelques quartiers populaires exotiques. Devient dès lors invisible toute une série d'espaces, moins cinégéniques sans doute, mais où vit la majorité de la population hongkongaise et qui représente la majorité du territoire hongkongais. Cet article s'intéresse ainsi à la place de la ville dans les films, aux qualités de l'urbain mises en avant par le cinéma, et à la portée géopolitique des représentations de la ville pour l'État qui l'abrite et qu'elle incarne. Les films structurent notre imaginaire, mais également notre réel, c'est à dire notre rapport à la réalité, notre lecture du monde au quotidien. Ils font le lien entre nos connaissances et nos croyances. En somme, ils construisent notre regard et orientent nos représentations. C'est à ce titre qu'ils deviennent des outils politiques et participent aux ...

International audience ; If one were to create a map of the city of Hong Kong staged by Hollywood, it would be mainly comprised of business districts (pure vertical shapes) and apart, of some exotic neighborhoods. Thus becomes invisible a whole series of areas, less cinegenic most probably, but also more representative of the sociological and geographical diversity of Hong Kong. So this article focuses on the role that the city occupies in films, on the urban traits it projects, and on the geopolitical values of such representations to the governing State. Films not only provide structure for our imaginations, they also play a part in the perception of 'realness': how we perceive the real world in our daily lives, establishing a connection between our knowledge and our beliefs. As such, they construct the framework in which we view the world and also influence our representations and perceptions. As such, they become political tools, used as mass influencers by the State. ; Si on devait faire une cartographie et une sociologie du Hong Kong produit par Hollywood, celui-ci serait majoritairement composé de quartiers d'affaires prenant la forme de pures silhouettes verticales. À leurs marges, on trouverait quelques quartiers populaires exotiques. Devient dès lors invisible toute une série d'espaces, moins cinégéniques sans doute, mais où vit la majorité de la population hongkongaise et qui représente la majorité du territoire hongkongais. Cet article s'intéresse ainsi à la place de la ville dans les films, aux qualités de l'urbain mises en avant par le cinéma, et à la portée géopolitique des représentations de la ville pour l'État qui l'abrite et qu'elle incarne. Les films structurent notre imaginaire, mais également notre réel, c'est à dire notre rapport à la réalité, notre lecture du monde au quotidien. Ils font le lien entre nos connaissances et nos croyances. En somme, ils construisent notre regard et orientent nos représentations. C'est à ce titre qu'ils deviennent des outils politiques et participent aux ...

International audience If one were to create a map of the city of Hong Kong staged by Hollywood, it would be mainly comprised of business districts (pure vertical shapes) and apart, of some exotic neighborhoods. Thus becomes invisible a whole series of areas, less cinegenic most probably, but also more representative of the sociological and geographical diversity of Hong Kong. So this article focuses on the role that the city occupies in films, on the urban traits it projects, and on the geopolitical values of such representations to the governing State. Films not only provide structure for our imaginations, they also play a part in the perception of 'realness': how we perceive the real world in our daily lives, establishing a connection between our knowledge and our beliefs. As such, they construct the framework in which we view the world and also influence our representations and perceptions. As such, they become political tools, used as mass influencers by the State. ; Si on devait faire une cartographie et une sociologie du Hong Kong produit par Hollywood, celui-ci serait majoritairement composé de quartiers d'affaires prenant la forme de pures silhouettes verticales. À leurs marges, on trouverait quelques quartiers populaires exotiques. Devient dès lors invisible toute une série d'espaces, moins cinégéniques sans doute, mais où vit la majorité de la population hongkongaise et qui représente la majorité du territoire hongkongais. Cet article s'intéresse ainsi à la place de la ville dans les films, aux qualités de l'urbain mises en avant par le cinéma, et à la portée géopolitique des représentations de la ville pour l'État qui l'abrite et qu'elle incarne. Les films structurent notre imaginaire, mais également notre réel, c'est à dire notre rapport à la réalité, notre lecture du monde au quotidien. Ils font le lien entre nos connaissances et nos croyances. En somme, ils construisent notre regard et orientent nos représentations. C'est à ce titre qu'ils deviennent des outils politiques et participent aux ...

As cities cope with rapid population growth—adding 2.5 billion dwellers by 2050—and grapple with destructive sprawl, politicians, planners, and architects have become increasingly interested in the vertical city paradigm. Given the large-scale problems of skyscrapers, any improvements in their planning, design, and construction would be significant. This paper examines a new crop of skyscrapers that employs green design elements, including aerodynamic forms, greeneries, energy-saving systems, innovative renewable energy techniques, water-saving technologies, rainwater catchment systems, and the like. The examined projects illustrate foremost sustainable design features, strategies, and techniques that help to meet the functional requirements while resulting in attractive forms. They include towers that are completed, under-construction, on-hold, proposed and on the drawing boards. In an attempt to capture a wide-range of innovative ideas and concepts, this paper examines 30 major projects representing major world's regions that have been active in constructing tall buildings including Southeast Asia and the Far East, the Middle East, Europe, and North America. The discussion section also engages the reader with additional buildings that have employed similar sustainable design. The paper concludes by identifying design approaches that could twin sustainability with iconicity, and highlights some of the shortfalls of intended sustainable design.

"From the penthouse to the sewers--the political geography of the vertical city Vertical is a brilliant re-imagining of the world we live in. Today we live in a world that can no longer be read as a two-dimensional map. In Vertical Stephen Graham rewrites the city at every level, calling for a a new understanding of our surroundings that takes into account above and below: why Dubai has been built to be seen from GoogleEarth; how the superrich in Sao Paulo live their penthouse lives far from the street; why London billionaires build vast subterranean basements rather than move house. Vertical will make you look at the city anew: from the viewfinders of drones, satellites, from the top of skyscrapers, at street-level and from underground bunkers: this is a new politics of space and geography"

"From the penthouse to the sewers--the political geography of the vertical city Vertical is a brilliant re-imagining of the world we live in. Today we live in a world that can no longer be read as a two-dimensional map. In Vertical Stephen Graham rewrites the city at every level, calling for a a new understanding of our surroundings that takes into account above and below: why Dubai has been built to be seen from GoogleEarth; how the superrich in Sao Paulo live their penthouse lives far from the street; why London billionaires build vast subterranean basements rather than move house. Vertical will make you look at the city anew: from the viewfinders of drones, satellites, from the top of skyscrapers, at street-level and from underground bunkers: this is a new politics of space and geography"--

Urban planners, government leaders, and the farming community have noted the important role cities play in producing their own food to manage higher levels of domestic demand, food insecurity, environmental concerns and affordability. To better understand these issues our research examines urban farming; in particular, the use of vertical farming methods. Such approaches can be used to overcome not only food safety and land resource issues, but also better manage the threats posed by rapid urbanisation. With technological developments in hydroponics, aeroponics and aquaponics, vertical farming has become a much more efficient and affordable means of farming in urban spaces. Overall, these high-­tech systems signify a shift in the ways farming and food production can be operationalised. The results from our analysis show that Singapore, a tropical city in Asia, is making significant strides in vertical farming with substantial public and private investment in R&D through high-­tech, high-­yielding, land-­limited farms in high-­rise buildings. Despite these initiatives, Singapore faces a highly constrained urban environment where land scarcity is exacerbated by a complex regulatory land use framework.

Padang is a coastal city, which is located opposite to the Indian Ocean. Just across Padang city there are areas of subduction, which can trigger a powerful earthquake and generate tsunami. Geologists have to say that the city of Padang is the area that is highly vulnerable to tsunamis in the near future. Several studies have been conducted to prepare Padang city for tsunamis. Through the research, maps of tsunami inundation area has been successfully designed. So that the tsunami-prone areas, and tsunami safe area can be clearly identified. According to Singh (2008), the time interval between the first powerful earthquake and tsunami to hit the coast of Padang is about 20-30 minutes. While residents have to walk 3-5 km to the safe area. It can be said that the time for tsunami evacuation in Padang city is very short. Therefore the choice of conducting vertical evacuation is urgent for the majority of the population rather than walking along the horizontal evacuation. Padang city government with the aid of the international donors has built buildings for the shelter. Some of them are schools that have a strong structure, three storeys in which the roof are served as a tsunami evacuation. Data from the BPBDs office (Disaster Management Agency), stated that there are 13 tsunami evacuation buildings at this time with a total capacity of 30.550 people and the capacity for each building is varied between 1,000 - 3,000 people (BPBDs, 2013). This amount is very far from enough when compared to the potential loss of life as many as 400,000 people or more, or as only 7.64% of the total amount. And the location of the shelter buildings are not evenly distributed in tsunamis prone areas Places for vertical tsunami evacuation in Padang are called TES (Temporary Evacuation Shelter). There have been 13 shelters established by the Government of Padang and BPBDs, and there is only one TES found in the study area. It really is not enough as it is seen in the range of services. Therefore the existing buildings and multi-storey structure is another alternate places to rescue in which they are expected to withstand earthquakes and tsunamis. This alternative building called Potential TES (PTES)and there are 14 shelters for the study area.

AbstractThe vertical turn in urban scholarship is a critique of the overly horizontal perspectives used in studying cities in academic research. This article broadens this scholarship by engaging with the ways that horizontal perspectives on urban conditions dominate not only scholarly perspectives but also professional responses to urban change. By drawing on research in the divided city of Mostar in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it argues for a 'polyvocal' approach to studying professional responses to urban conditions, one that facilitates a productive juxtaposition of those responses with city dwellers' everyday engagements with the vertical qualities of the built environment. It also seeks to understand how vertical geographies—here, tall landmarks—in divided cities are seen as part of the complex urban realities of city dwellers in strategies of urban planning and heritage‐making related to postwar reconciliation. These findings are compared with ethnographic data about how people make sense of tall landmarks in divided cities and how they experience and interpret them in relation to senses of togetherness and belonging to divided cities. By putting these two lines of research in a dialogue, the 'polyvocal' approach offers a way to rethink conventional strategies of urban reconciliation and taken‐for‐granted ways of conceptualizing cities.

The proposition by John Walton (see SA 16:6/68D3820) that an increase in vertical ties results in a redistribution of power within a single community was tested. Data derive from a variety of sources including limited participant-observation, interviews, content analysis of newspapers, etc, & were collected in Crystal City, Tex, in 1970-71. Specifically, this is a case study of the way in which a formerly powerless minority group (the Chicanos) wrested power from the dominant power structure in a small Tex community, largely due to the increase in vertical ties. The community is described as it was prior to 1963, & data on vertical inputs 1963-1970 are then presented. It is concluded on the basis of the evidence, that an increase in vertical ties is related to pol'al change which contributes to a pluralistic power structure. 2 vertical ties were particularly important in Crystal City: (a) the Del Monte cannery located in the city in the 1940's; & (b) the org of a Teamster's Union local at the cannery in the mid-1950's. During the 1963 pol'al campaign the role of the absentee-owned Corp & the Teamster's union was crucial. Also, several extracommunity developments were evident in the Sch boycott of 1969. The development of the Chicano movement in the mid-1960's provided a perspective which encouraged the HSch students to develop & press their grievances. This eventually resulted in several of their number going to Washington, DC, & gaining the intervention of the US Justice Dept. A charismatic & knowledgeable leader performed a "linkage role" by relating the demands of the local Mexican Amer pop to relevant extracommunity systems. Walton's proposition was confirmed. M. Maxfield.