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It's that time of year for us to be grinchy, to play Scrooge, again. We agree that these numbers are accurate: As of last month, more than 16 million people are living in poverty, or a staggering 24% of the UK population – the highest since records began. Over 9 million of these are in deep poverty, meaning they're struggling to afford enough food or pay energy bills.We also insist that while these are accurate they're wrong. The problem is with the definition being used. For we are not measuring poverty here but inequality. Poverty, in this sense, is mis-defined as living in a household on less than 60% of median household income (to taste, before or after housing costs). This is not a measure of poverty, it's one of inequality. It's entirely possible to worry about inequality; we don't, not very much at least. But we do insist that the information handed out needs to be usefully correct so that all can make usefully corrective decisions. Which is why we've that measure of inequality being used as one of poverty. Because those who want to worry about inequality have a measure to hoodwink us with.As an example:I'm ambassador for the Hygiene Bank and I know its Shower People With Kindness campaign – which aims to get shampoo and deodorant to people in poverty this Christmas – will be a lifeline for many.That's an awful lot of effort for something we'd suspect is not in fact a problem. Upon checking, half a litre of shampoo is 79 pence. In different flavours even. Four bars of soap are £1.35. Say, 10 minutes of minimum wage work per - well, per what? week, fortnight, month? - to supply those basic hygiene needs. Even if there were those unable to purchase them it'll clearly be vastly cheaper overall to give people £2 and send them to one of the vast barns that litter the country - some call them shops - to buy their own. They'd even be able to choose their preferred flavour. We also don't believe, not for a moment, that 24% of the population, a quarter, cannot afford £2.We wholly and entirely agree that there are things that can be improved in the British economy. We're also just chock full of empathy for those in need - post visitation Scrooges we are. But inequality being claimed as poverty is one of those problems to solve, not to be agreed with.Tim Worstall

AbstractThis paper employs survey experiments to examine how contextualizing the claims made in negative political advertising affects perceptions of their fairness. This has implications for the components of fairness judgments, e.g., if "truth" is a component of fairness, being informed that a claim is untrue should undermine perceptions of its fairness, as well as for the efficacy of "fact-checking." Our experiments on a random national telephone sample show some effects of being informed that a claim is untrue but few if it is characterized as taken out of context or as irrelevant. These findings imply that: (a) while evaluations of the truth of claims appear to be a component of fairness, considerations such as whether claims are the "whole story" or "relevant" to the decision at hand do not, and (b) contextualizing of the claims of ads in fact-checks has very little impact on perceptions of their fairness.

This is an inquiry into the allegation that the United States Air Force flew reconnaissance missions for the Israelis during the 1967 June War as related in a book called Taking Sides by Stephen Green. After retracing Green's steps and tracking a good number of leads, the author concludes that the story is untrue.

English version available on: http://hdl.handle.net/10438/26229. ; In democratic elections, voting usually comprises two fundamental empowering aspects: electors vote for candidates because they agree with their projects and have a positive assessment of their background or party, and/or electors vote for candidates because of their charisma, honesty, and other values transmitted by candidates' own image (MUTZ, 2009). The dissemination of fake news affects both these motivations of a democratic vote. On one hand, the rational choice of projects and the assessment of candidates' background can be impaired by the overflow of possibly untrue information. On the other hand, untrue facts misrepresent the aforementioned features of candidates – either for or against their image. Besides, disseminating untrue information also reinforces ideological biases in each voter, because the evidence presented confirms ideas, values, and notions inherent to his/her points of view. 1 However, the fake news phenomenon cannot be fully understood based only on the false information element: the mode of dissemination is fundamental to determine the electoral impact. For that reason, social bots and real people share fake news in social media and communication applications such WhatsApp or even e-mail services. Social bots, when pretending to be real people sharing news and presenting opinions, have become a tool to generate a critic mass of sharing news in several online communication vehicles; consequently, they made some facts, either true or not, part of the mainstream narrative. Thus, what makes the current fake news phenomenon different from older forms of disinformation is precisely its massive scale and online circulation. ; Omidyar Network/Luminate

La proliferación de noticias falsas en redes sociales constituye un desafío no sólo para el mundo del periodismo, sino también para nuestras democracias. Este hecho es especialmente controvertido si tenemos en cuenta que estas herramientas se han convertido en una popular fuente informativa, toda vez que los medios de comunicación tradicionales han perdido su supremacía a la hora de seleccionar contenidos noticiables. Como consecuencia, los ciudadanos están expuestos a informaciones sesgadas que promueven la desinformación. Particularmente ilustrativo, es el papel desempeñado por Facebook y Twitter en la divulgación de afirmaciones falsas de políticos durante varias de las campañas electorales de los últimos años. Empero, fue el flujo de desinformación surgido durante las elecciones presidenciales estadounidenses de 2016 el detonante que alimentó el interés en chequear todos aquellos contenidos distribuidos a través de Internet. En este contexto, el objetivo de la investigación es analizar el trabajo desarrollado por las iniciativas de periodismo de comprobación de datos, centrándonos en el caso de Verificado18: un proyecto colaborativo iniciado en México en 2018, de cara a las elecciones más multitudinarias del país y destinado a identificar promesas falsas y contenidos manipulados. Para ello, realizamos un abordaje tanto cuantitativo como cualitativo de los datos extraídos de la Web verificado.mx. Al hacerlo, arrojaremos luz sobre aspectos como: la metodología utilizada, las temáticas cubiertas, los actores involucrados y las herramientas interactivas implementadas. Los hallazgos sugieren que, a pesar de su potencial educativo, es pertinente mejorar aspectos como la transparencia. ; The increase in the number of fake news on Social Network Sites (SNS) form a serious threat not only to journalism, but also to our democracies. This is not a minor issue, given that SNS has become into a popular source of information, whilst, at the same time, traditional media are declining in their gatekeeping role. As a result, citizens are exposed to biased news that lead to disinformation. An illustrative example is the role played by Facebook and Twitter in spreading false or outrageous statements by politicians during some of the latest political campaigns. Nonetheless, it was the flow of disinformation around the 2016 US presidential election that spurred intense interest in fact-checking items of news spread online. In this context, the aim of this paper is to analyse the work undertaken by fact-checking outlets, by focusing on Verificado18: a collaborative project launched in 2018 ahead of Mexico's largest election, to identify untrue statements from politicians and check content authenticity. To fulfil this purpose, we provide this analysis on the basis of a mix of qualitative and quantitative data from verificado.mx. In doing so, we throw light on the methodology used to debunk disinformation, the topics most commonly covered, the actors involved, and the interactive tools implemented. Our findings suggest that, in spite of its educative potential, more efforts needs to be put as far as transparency is concerned.

The Labour-led Welsh government has committed to introduce "globally pioneering" legislation that would in effect make lying in politics there illegal.Our general view is that governments rarely know what they're doing - Hayek was right about information flows to the centre after all. But our specific view here is that they've no clue. It is, however, going to be hugely amusing proving this point. So much so that if they actually carry this through then it will be worth moving to Wales in order to have standing to contest matters. Private prosecutions are allowed, of course they are, upon criminal matters. So, if political lying is a criminal matter private prosecutions may be brought.Of course, "lie" has several definitions. Saying something that is untrue, saying something untrue that you should have known is untrue, saying something untrue that you know is untrue as one order of meanings.But just think of the joy to be had here."Inequality is increasing" - no, the usual measure, the Gini, is lower than it was in 2008. "Renewables are cheap" - have you even looked at the varied prices being paid under CfD and so on? "Building more houses won't make them cheaper" - What? And so on. It's possible to be as cynical as we are and just assume that lips moving means lies being told. It's also possible to be less realistic and assume that at least some of what is said could, perhaps, be true. But this new law will give us all the ability to take those making the statements to court, to get them to prove their claims. Which will be most fun - for we don't think that many such claims will survive the process. In fact, we're really very certain that absolute truth telling will mean the death of politics.Tim Worstall

When a response to inaccurate information strives to be an informative exercise of its own, it is difficult to balance the desire to respond point by point to mischaracterized, misleading, or untrue information, with the need to simply offer a complete picture of facts. This article is a response to Abigail Wenger's article regarding vaccinations. To reply to each mischaracterization or inaccuracy in turn means this response loses its own informative intent and becomes simply a rebuttal. However, to ignore mischaracterizations and inaccuracies is to risk the reader's acceptance of those points as true. Through illustrative examples in the United States and around the world, the authors will discuss six foundational and important concepts related to vaccination: 1) vaccination laws—history, why they matter, and effects; 2) authority to mandate—federal case law, Pennsylvania law; 3) exemptions— Pennsylvania and other states, recent changes, effect of exemptions on immunization and disease rates; 4) misinformation and its effects; 5) vaccine safety; and 6) informed consent. Within each topic, we will address some specific inaccuracies in Wenger's piece, where possible and appropriate. Presenting facts supported by credible evidence will provide its own rebuttal of Wenger's assertions. We note, however, that Wenger has multiple instances where information is mischaracterized, misleading, and sometimes simply untrue. Where appropriate, the authors will recognize and attempt to correct that information.

Discussion begins with a look at the New York Times's historical interest in income inequality, beginning with 1980 and the Reagan years. After a lull in this kind of reporting for the Times, in 2001, when another Republican president, the younger Bush, was in office, the Times levied the charge that the middle class was vanishing. This is asserted to be untrue. In fact, those reported to be suffering under Bush's policies voted for him in 2004. In this context, the claims in the Times' series Class Matters, which pursues an economic-based explanation for why so many poor and working-class Americans betray their own interests when voting, are critically assessed.

The use of the control release of information in today's informational 21st century is a fact and some would say it is really a problem, if it is not used properly and only in particular spheres and under specific circumstances. Others would say that it serves as a weapon or a tool for achieving a communication purpose with certain risks. The most important in the case is that the use of such actions would show a certain actions, which were evolving in the past and that was never on the spotlight. And not only. The use of the tactics such as the control release of information is risky and could have huge and could have very heavy consequences for the communication. The control release of information is a process, used by the PR specialists to tell a certain information in a particular moment of time. The release of this information in most cases is aiming to deceive the public – it can be totally untrue, untrue and later on refuted by the PR, partially true or totally true. In the last two cases the reason is to study the public reaction for e specific intention of institution, agency, government, non government organisation. If there is no negative public reaction for the intention of the institution or organisation after the release of the information "the negative feedback" in the communication is minimal.

Indonesia is in an emergency of deceptive news, a hoax according to KBBI is untrue hoax news that is usually spread from social media. Deception can cause divisions in society. This research uses qualitative and studies literature. With the existence of our idea entitled Language Based Media People in Ogan Ilir Regency in the Supervision of State Institutions to Eradicate Hoax in Indonesia. To realize good governance, transparency and good friendliness. The people's media application itself contains information related to government policies in the fields of education, health, economy, social and culture. This application also serves to minimize the existence of deceptive news that can cause disintegration of the nation, by filtering data with scientific methods so that the information disseminated is in accordance with facts.

From the very beginning of Polish statehood in 1918, conflicts sparked between the civilauthorities and the Episcopate of Poland. In a natural way, they projected downwards to townsand villages, antagonizing and dividing the Polish society. Many publications dating to just afterWorld War 2 one-sidedly assigned blame to the Catholic Church. The present paper shows suchaccusations to be wrongful and blatantly untrue. The choice of the parish is not random – it washere that the most renowned conflict around teaching religion in the Łomża diocese took place.Father Witold Balukiewicz's endeavors to build a modern school and teach religion in the full scopeguaranteed by the law and the Father's later social engagement. In light of the facts and with thebenefit of hindsight, it is not difficult to determine who was right.

AbstractDonald Trump's embrace of Andrew Jackson as his presidential model made Jackson a centerpiece for debate as a kind of stand‐in for American history at large. The Trump camp acclaimed his aggressive nationalism and insurgent populism, while critics condemned him for exemplifying American xenophobia, bigotry, and racism. Both portraits reduced Jackson to caricature. While Trump praised him for purportedly raising tariffs and rattling sabers, critics charged him with originating Indian genocide, reducing public policy to private vendetta, and practicing unbridled personal violence. Thus, the resemblance between Jackson and Trump, touted by both sides for opposite reasons, rested on historical facts that were oversimplified and often demonstrably untrue. Politicians and pundits led in distorting the record, but scholars were acquiescent and even directly complicit in warping evidence to propound a shallow historical analogy for political effect.

ABSTRACTDiscussing only two out of 11 chapters, Matti Bunzl argues that Why America's Top Pundits Are Wrong (2005) embodies an excessively deconstructive approach that undermines public anthropology by opposing all generalization. In fact, the contributors to the Pundits volume come from a variety of intellectual positions, some unfriendly to deconstructionism. In a book that is deliberately jargon free, the contributors are unified not by postmodernism but by pragmatism. They oppose generalizations that are manifestly ideological and untrue, not all generalizations. The point of the book is not to nitpick generalizations but to unmask media apologetics for neoliberalism and neoconservatism that misuse core terms (e.g., culture, ethnicity, human nature, gender) from the anthropological lexicon. We advocate a revitalized public anthropology based on grounded research, translation of sophisticated anthropological knowledge into accessible English, and a passionate concern for the well‐being of those at the sharp end of neoliberal globalization.

The title suggests that this article will continue on the subject addressed 10 years ago. The previous article was On a bishop who is inconvenient to those in power in Argentina—both the State and the Church. Despite the changes that have taken place in both spheres (the collapse of the military dictatorship after the 1983 elections, and changes in the episcopate and the judicial inquiry and elucidation of the circumstances of the murder of Bishop Angelelli), some people are denying Pope Francis' decision to recognise the martyrdom of the bishop and his collaborators (June 8, 2018). They see this beatification as inconvenient.
The author of the presented study challenges these arguments, both from the canon-law perspective and in light of canonization practice. Due to the passage of time (the martyrs died in the Diocese of La Rioja in 1976) and the geographical separation (South America), he first provides their short biographies. Due to numerous untrue data and overinterpretations disseminated by the media as to the course of the beatification processes at the diocesan phase, the also tries to bring order to the basic facts.