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Discusses women's political representation in Uganda. Five arguments for why women's participation in political life is required are set forth, and ideological factors leading to their underrepresentation are noted. Attention is then given to the increase in women's representation in Ugandan politics, highlighting democratization and the principle of equality in the Ugandan constitution. The effect that increased political representation for Ugandan women on policy making is noted.

Numerous studies have found that people of color, women, and those with physical challenges are significantly under-represented in political careers due to societal barriers. For example, women's participation in politics shows some improvement while women occupy only 12% of the political careers. To explore whether students and professors interested in political careers have experienced under-representation of minorities, a mixed-method approach with both surveys and interviews of Minnesota State University, Mankato, students and professors from the departments of Government and Gender and Women's Studies were utilized. These students were selected because both fields study political institutions, and are likely to seek political careers. According to previous literature and similar to our own research findings, minorities experience obstacles in the process of obtaining political careers. In addition, professors who work in academic careers and feel in touch with various political topics, described a lack of support to maintain their careers. This study has implications for raising awareness about the obstacles that people of color, women, and those with physical challenges face obtaining and maintaining political careers. Building upon a wealth of research, our findings will challenge our society to lay prejudicial barriers to rest and provide greater equality for all those seeking political careers.

Although many researchers have documented higher levels of black-white inequality in areas with a high concentration of blacks, the mechanisms underlying this finding have been elusive. Black underrepresentation in management may be one such mechanism. We ask whether black workers' underrepresentation in managerial jobs is especially pronounced in labor markets with a larger black population. Using a unique, two-level data set that combines a large data set of private sector firms with Census data on local labor markets, the authors' hierarchical logistic models strongly support this hypothesis. Net of establishment & labor market-level controls, the likelihood that an establishment exhibits a significant underrepresentation of blacks in management is substantially increased when it operates in a high-proportion black labor market context. Tables, Figures, References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2007 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

Although many researchers have documented higher levels of black-white inequality in areas with a high concentration of blacks, the mechanisms underlying this finding have been elusive. Black underrepresentation in management may be one such mechanism. We ask whether black workers' underrepresentation in managerial jobs is especially pronounced in labor markets with a larger black population. Using a unique, two-level data set that combines a large data set of private sector firms with Census data on local labor markets, the authors' hierarchical logistic models strongly support this hypothesis. Net of establishment and labor market-level controls, the likelihood that an establishment exhibits a significant underrepresentation of blacks in management is substantially increased when it operates in a high-proportion black labor market context.

The under representation of Latinas (Hispanic women) in management positions in local government may be determined more by the failure of elected officials to rationally and equitably apply equal employment policies to Latinas than to demographic, availability, or educational factors. This research explores entrenched patterns of under representation between Latinas and their non-Hispanic female counterparts through an analysis of triangulated data and trends from these sources relative to the representation of Latinas in management (decision-making) positions in the largest county government work force in the nation. Employment patterns for Latinas in management positions show that 25 years after Los Angeles County enacted comprehensive affirmative action and equal employment policies, across both gender and ethnic or racial lines, Latinas remain the most underrepresented of any protected group in management. The few theories and hypotheses accounting for historic ethnic and gender labor force under representation in public employment fail to clarify and account for these patterns of sustained underutilization. Government's failure to exercise its power and accept responsibility for these results appears as the most obvious and consistent contributor to employment discrimination of Latinas. County government officials must carefully weigh the ramifications of various legal options available to Latina employees.

Abstract
The Australian House of Representatives contains far fewer women than men. But is this because parties of left and right discriminate against women or because voters do? Using a new dataset comprising 7271 House candidates from 2001 to 2019, firstly, we find that the percentage of women candidates is increasing, but is consistently higher for parties of the left than the right. Secondly, women tend to be selected more by parties of both left and right in unsafe seats. Thirdly, all else being equal, voters reward women running for Labor with over 1400 votes more, are neutral towards those of the Liberals and Greens, but tend to penalise women standing for the Nationals. We conclude that, overall, it is parties, not voters, driving under-representation of women in Australia's lower house.

This Paper is divided into three sections. In the first section I provide a brief historical overview of Hindu-Muslim relations in India and of the condition of Indian Muslims today. I conclude by claiming that Indian Muslims are a marginalized minority who have been persistently underrepresented in political institutions, particularly in the Indian Parliament. This section is important for those who are less informed about these issues—and I assume that most readers fall in this category. In the second section, I examine the case for political representation for Muslims. This was a much debated issue in pre-independent India. It was debated with subtlety and in considerable detail in the Constituent Assembly debates on the Indian constitution. However, with the partition of the country and the formation of the separate state of Pakistan, all debate on the political representation of Muslims ceased. I examine the merits and demerits of the case for the political representation of Indian Muslims. I also attempt a brief explanation of why this issue has virtually disappeared from the public arena in India. I conclude in the section that although political representation of Muslims qua Muslims is desirable, it is still unfeasible in the prevailing situation in India. In other words, I would support the recommendation to the Indian State that political rights not to be granted to any religious community. If political theory was to remain a handmaiden of state policy, then the matter ends right here. However, since I believe that political theory must think for the long run and design just institutions and policies for the future, and since, there is, I claim, no principled objection to the political representation of Muslims, in the third and final section I briefly outline which of the several electoral mechanisms are best suited to ensure fair political representation for Muslims in the future. In my view, the principle of fair political representation for Indian Muslims is best fulfilled by a complex mechanism consisting of preferential voting in multi-member constituencies with intra-party quotas in proportion to the overall population of Muslims in the country.