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"Many transnational democrats support their claims for global democratic reform by appealing to the so-called all-affected principle, stating that everyone who is affected by a decision has a right to participate in making it. Although often identified as a core principle of democratic theory, the allaffected principle is difficult both to interpret and to apply. In the first part of this paper, I examine the critique against the all-affected principle, arguing that specifying what it means to be affected is itself a highly political issue, since it must rest on some disputable theory of interests, and that the principle does not solve the problem of how to legitimately constitute the democratic community, since such acts, too, are decisions which affect people. Furthermore, I argue that applying the principle comes at too high a cost: either political boundaries must be redrawn for each issue at stake or we must ensure that democratic politics only has consequences within an enclosed community, and that it affects its members equally. In the second part of the paper, I consider how two versions of transnational democratic theory - cosmopolitan democracy and deliberative democracy, both of which rely on the all-affected principle - may respond to this critique. In the final part of the paper, I discuss a possible replacement for the all-affected principle, an alternative principle according to which everyone who is subject to the laws should be granted the right to participate in making them. This subject-to-law principle solves some, but not all, of the problems that followed from the all-affected principle." (author's abstract)

The potential effects of mass polarization has become a major subject of study in political science. Multiple studies have shown that polarization at the mass level has caused political attitudes and opinions to be increasingly driven by party identification over the past few decades. Even responses to questions as nonpartisan as "Has the economy gotten better or worse over the past year?" show a partisan bias (Bartels 2002). In this paper, I look at whether party identification is having an increasing impact on party competence evaluations, as would be expected if polarization has happened at the mass level. I first study whether the effect of party identification on vote choice in House and Senate elections from 1986 through 2012 has increased, or whether the growing power of party identification is being filtered through party competence evaluations, causing the effect of these evaluations on vote choice to increase. I then look at the direct effect of party identification on party competence evaluations to see if the effect of party identification on competence evaluations has grown between 1986 and 2012, and if the effect of retrospective economic evaluations on competence evaluations has decreased at the same time. Results show that there is no clear trend in the effect of party competence evaluations and party identification on vote choice over time. However, the effect of party identification on competence evaluations has clearly risen between 1986 and 2012.

Objective. In this study, the "racial threat" and "racial contact" hypotheses are evaluated in relation to voting for the Liberty and Free Soil Parties in the North during the 1840s.Methods. Regression models are used to predict the effect of county‐level black populations on Liberty and Free Soil vote percentages in relation to types of employment.Results. Racial threat occurred in high manufacturing counties, but racial contact/threat emerged in more agricultural counties. The effects vary by party and region of the North.Conclusion. The effects of racial context on political behavior during this era are mixed, much like modern political studies have uncovered.

AbstractThe Bolsheviks' world revolution encountered setbacks in the 1920s. Among the bloodiest of these was the massacre of 1927 when the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) entire central leadership was killed in the Chinese Nationalist Party's (GMD) coup. Existing explanations highlight Moscow's miscalculation, infighting within the Kremlin, Soviet advisers' information dilemma, and the CCP leaders' political inexperience. This article compares the opening stages of the Bolshevik (or Russian) and Chinese Communist Party revolutions to explain why the 1927 setback became a catastrophe. It argues that the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 caused fundamental changes, which thwarted any attempt to replicate the 1917 victory in the post-1917 world. The CCP in 1927 faced three disadvantages that the Bolshevik Revolution had engendered: a misleading myth about the October Revolution, a Bolshevized system of repression created by Soviet advisers to the GMD, and the 'red scare' in Japan and British Southeast Asia, which blocked members of the CCP from escaping overseas. This article draws on leaders' biographical materials to compare the two parties' learning from foreign revolutions, records in suffering repression, and experiences as overseas refugees. The comparison shows that the Bolsheviks did not face these three disadvantages before 1917.

Metareflexionen oder Metastudien zur Arbeit und zur Beteiligung von Betroffenen, die in Kindheit und Jugend sexualisierte Gewalt erlebt haben, stellen in wissenschaftlichen Aufarbeitungen weitestgehend ein Forschungsdesiderat dar. Ziel des Artikels ist es, sich aus einer kritisch-reflexiven Perspektive mit der sozialen Positionierung von Betroffenen in der wissenschaftlichen Aufarbeitung auseinander zu setzen. Die zentrale These ist, dass diese Positionierung als relational und dynamisch zu denken und als Herstellungsprozess unter anderem in der Beziehung zwischen dem Akteur Wissenschaft und den Betroffenen zu verstehen ist. Dabei handelt es sich um eine Beziehung und einen Herstellungsprozess, die durch Machtunterschiede gekennzeichnet sind. Dies führt zu dem Argument, dass in wissenschaftlichen Aufarbeitungen die Positionierung der Betroffenen durch Schutzkonzepte und rechtliche Verankerungen zu stärken sind.