Suchergebnisse

This review examines Zachary Crispin's The Fundamentals of Students' Unionism, an empirical assessment of student unions in Canada containing ideas as to how student union operations should be best conducted. The book contains two sections, the first consisting of organizing campaigns and developing political student movements, while the second examines legislative and financial requirements of student unions within federal, provincial, and institutional contexts. The book uses Canadian case studies and the author's experiential knowledge to conclude that the Canadian student movement needs to be broadened, but biases in the argument's premises in terms of political ideologies of ideal student leaders and acceptance of existing student union structures without critique impede upon the achievement of such a goal.

Student Union leadership is formed to promote and defend the welfare needs of the Students' Community in Nigerian Tertiary Education System. Union leaders engage Government through dialogue on certain policies and the authorities of institutions to provide certain minimum services that will promote a sustained environment for academic interactions. This includes teaching, learning, social and research activities. Student Union Government (SUG) serves as the voice of the Students in all Tertiary Institutions in Nigeria. The Authorities through the Students' Union Government is able to instill discipline and know the feelings and request of the Students. This view is corroborated by Longing (2003) and Ekekwem (2006). Most often, the refusal of Government and Management of institutions to address the legitimate needs of Students' Union leaders leads to conflicts which manifest in demonstrations and unrest with severe consequences. This article examines an ideal student's unionism, its responsibilities, causes of protest and challenges in Union leadership and provides suggested solutions to mitigate unrest by administrators of tertiary institutions and government.

The purpose of the article is to trace the development of student unionism in Zimbabwe. On the basis of a discussion of the nature of the university, the article argues that because the university environment tolerates and promotes academic freedom and liberal values, it provides an environment conducive to critical thought and oppositional politics, while the university quite often itself becomes the target for student attack. Student representation during the pre independence period in Zimbabwe sought to engage the institution in its effort to re-order society at a time of racial struggle and class conflict. After independence, student representation was in support of government efforts to create a better Zimbabwe and to consolidate the gains of independence. However, after the first decade of independence, the relationship between students and government soured due to students' opposition to the one-party system as well as the University of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill, among other issues. This article thus documents and analyses the relationship between students and government with reference to three periods and two key moments: the 1973 protests against racial discrimination in the pre independence phase and the post-1990 developments in Zimbabwean national and university politics.Keywords: Higher education; student unionism; student activism; national politics; Zimbabwe

In the last decade, student politics and governance of universities in Kenya and in other African countries have undergone a tremendous transformation. The unprecedented expansion and massification of public universities, the introduction of 'Module 2' programmes, the admission of private, 'parallel' and 'school-based' students, and the substantial increase in private universities have impacted on the governance of the institutions and student politics in different ways. In this context, this article explores student involvement in university governance and describes the structure of students' unions in Kenyan universities in comparison with students exercising 'comrades' power' in universities in Kenya.Keywords: Higher education; student politics; student activism; student unionism; university governance; representation

Whether the Higher Education Support Amendment (Abolition of Compulsory Upfront Student Union Fees) Bill 2005, will contribute to the future of Australian education, has aroused much controversy among individuals, groups, and parties over the last few months, since its introduction in March 2005. Some see a rosy outlook whereas others seem to be more concerned about its negative impacts. From the International student's perspective, the benefits seem to slightly outweigh the detriments. The presumable cost rise on the essential services, will not apply to international students, as they will be protected by the ESOS Act. Also, the current bundle of services that student unions offer, often do not meet the expectations and needs of international students. This is because they are primarily designed on the basis of domestic students ' demands. Therefore, the unbundling and repackaging of student services under VSU will be most likely be a direct advantage (cost-cut) for international students. Nonetheless, the indirect impacts of VSU could be quite the opposite. The fact that the responsibility of funding non-academic services will be entirely on the universities, in the post-VSU environment, will place a financial restrain on the universities' budget. This may lead to the universities' decision to sacrifice some of their teaching and research money in order to maintain the services . In this regard, international students may disadvantage from the legislation as well. Especially in the case of ANU international students, the interests of implementing VSU, did seem to overcome the pitfalls. Considering the status quo of its student association structure, GSF use, and service provisions, the future with VSU looks much brighter. However, in order to eliminate even the slightest chance of degradation from such future, the following actions are recommended along with the implementation of VSU: The Government should do a case study of each university on the implications of VSU, before making it a national requirement. • The Government should set a cap on how much universities can charge their international students for essential services. • The Government should make efforts to promote the benefits of VSU for international students. • The Government should ensure that in any case, universities do not sacrifice their educational budget to meet the new arrangements under VSU. • The Government should introduce a service package for domestic students as well, so that both domestic and international students continue to be guaranteed of the most essential services.

In the last decade, student politics and governance of universities in Kenya and in otherAfrican countries have undergone a tremendous transformation. The unprecedentedexpansion and massification of public universities, the introduction of 'Module 2'programmes, the admission of private, 'parallel' and 'school-based' students, and thesubstantial increase in private universities have impacted on the governance of theinstitutions and student politics in different ways. In this context, this article exploresstudent involvement in university governance and describes the structure of students'unions in Kenyan universities in comparison with students exercising 'comrades' power' inuniversities in Kenya.

On 16 March 2005 the Minister for Education, Dr Brendan Nelson, introduced into the House of Representatives the Higher Education Support Amendment (Abolition of Compulsory Up-Front Student Union Fees) Bill 2005. This is a bill to abolish what is commonly known as compulsory student unionism in Australia's universities, though its supporters prefer the term universal student unionism. Since the election of the Howard government in 1996 several previous attempts by the government to pass such legislation have been unsuccessful. But the success of the Coalition parties in winning control of the Senate, from 1 July 2005, at the October federal election means that the Senate will no longer be able to block this legislation as it has done in the past.

On 16 March 2005 the Minister for Education, Dr Brendan Nelson, introduced into the House of Representatives the Higher Education Support Amendment (Abolition of Compulsory Up-Front Student Union Fees) Bill 2005. This is a bill to abolish what is commonly known as compulsory student unionism in Australia's universities, though its supporters prefer the term universal student unionism. Since the election of the Howard government in 1996 several previous attempts by the government to pass such legislation have been unsuccessful. But the success of the Coalition parties in winning control of the Senate, from 1 July 2005, at the October federal election means that the Senate will no longer be able to block this legislation as it has done in the past.

First published in 1939. This book provides a balanced picture of Trade Unionism as it was in the 1930s, both in general and in each of the principal industries and services. The study opens with a brief outline of Trade Union history, before examining Trade Unions in various industries, including mining, transport, and the postal service. British Trade Unionism To-Day will be of great interest to students and scholars of labour and political history.

First published in 1924. This book provides a balanced picture of Trade Unionism as it was in the 1920s. The study opens with a brief outline of Trade Union history, before examining Trade Unions' structure, its place in government, and the internal issues that Trade Unions faced. Organised Labour will be of great interest to students and scholars of labour and political history.

For the current Australian Government, the introduction of voluntary student unionism (VSU) is something of a statement of faith. The Liberal Party of Australia may well be a party that in practice is very much wedded to corporate Australia. Yet, in theory at least, the Liberal Party likes to champion the importance of the individual & the importance o free choice. It is thus not surprising that now, having gained control of the Senate, the Government is seeking to overturn the long-held practice of the imposition of compulsory up-front student union fees & to replace this with a system of voluntary fees & voluntary student unions. It is also not surprising that this move should be opposed by the Australian Labor Party. References. Adapted from the source document.

Studies of Indian organized labour have followed the beaten track for three decades. In their obsessive concern with the political links of trade unions and their control by middle-class intellectuals and professionals, the students of Indian labour have barely paused to consider the social consequences of unionization. The origin of the labour movement in India goes back to the turn of the century, and over five million workers are now unionzed. A movement of this proportion cannot be without consequence for the attitudes and behaviour of workers. In the specifically Indian context the crucial question is how a trade union movement whose very cornerstone, at least ideally, is a sense of camaraderie among a socially diverse workforce interacts with a traditional society whose foundation is the caste system.

Among the multitude of unionized occupations that have been analysed by labour economists and others, fishing, for some reason or other, has received scant attention. Few articles and no books, as far as the authors are aware, have been written about unionism in the fishing industry of the United States. College text-books and surveys of labour rarely if ever mention the subject. Yet fishermen's unions in that country have been organized and active for more than a half century, and the International Fishermen and Allied Workers' Union today is an important affiliate of the Congress of Industrial Organizations. Their origins and history remain hidden in obscurity.Much the same situation exists in Canada. Some incidental attention has been paid, in regional surveys like that of the Dawson Commission published in 1944, to trade unions and co-operatives among fishermen in the Maritime Provinces. The far larger, more active, and more important fishermen's unions of British Columbia have been virtually ignored. The 1948 edition of Professor H. A. Logan's Trade Unions in Canada, for instance—by far the most thorough and authoritative survey of the organized labour movement in Canada to date—gives passing reference to the Canadian Fishermen's Union of Nova Scotia, but makes no mention whatever of the Deep Sea Fishermen's Union or of the United Fishermen and Allied Workers Union, both of British Columbia. Yet these two organizations are, or should be, of considerable interest and importance to labour economists and other students of trade unionism. Their history reaches back through more than a half century of diverse organizational growth, numerous and sometimes violent strikes, and generally turbulent labour relations. Both unions are today affiliated with the Canadian Trades and Labor Congress. The U.F.A.W.U. has a membership of some 8,000 fishermen and allied workers and jurisdiction over several thousand more. It negotiates province-wide master agreements with employer associations, governing labour matters in all major branches of one of the most important primary industries in British Columbia. Over one special group of fishermen it shares jurisdiction with the much smaller organization, the D.S.F.U.