Suchergebnisse

As creatures of the states, our municipalities occupy a unique position in our governmental scheme. Not endowed with sovereignty, the municipality possesses no inherent powers, and can only do that which is authorized by the state.' The exercise of local powers, therefore, becomes the exercise of those powers which have been conferred upon it by state legislative action. Possible exceptions to this are those states in which "home rule" has been constitutionally conferred upon municipalities, by which authority to form local governments and to administer municipal affairs in the manner desired by the local electorate prevails. In view of the fact, however, that every action taken by a nonhome-rule municipality or any of its officers, agents or departments amounts to an exercise of a power which is derived, expressly or impliedly, from a statute, it is patent that the construction of such statutes is of paramount importance to cities, for through such construction the legality of local action is determined.

Since 2017, in response to catastrophic declines in the commercial model that has traditionally undergirded U.S. journalism, lawmakers in 10 states have introduced legislation specifically designed to provide support to local news media. This analysis identifies four mechanisms in the legislation: tax incentives, establishment of a task force or commission, appropriation of general funding, and mandated advertising expenditures. Through late 2022, five of 24 bills introduced have been enacted in four states, a rate about the same as for state legislation enactment overall. I discuss several challenges attendant to the enactment of legislation aimed at supporting local news: (1) partisan divides, (2) budgetary restrictions, (3) narrow definitions of local news media, and (4) exacerbation of the deterioration of the economic conditions faced by news media by legislation that guts public notice laws. I also discuss the mandating of advertising expenditures enacted in New York and Chicago.

This paper assesses state efforts to both restrict and enable local government discretion by using data from Project Vote Smart's "Key Votes" database. The results show that state legislation, both successful and unsuccessful, is more likely to limit local autonomy than to enhance it, although both tendencies occur. Republican legislators are more likely to support efforts to restrict discretion than Democrats are. Further, preemption attempts are particularly evident on "hot button" issues, such as guns, sexuality and gender roles, and immigration, although such initiatives are not necessarily more likely to successfully become law, especially under conditions of divided government.

This article focuses on the participation of local citizens in Kosovo in the process of state-building and their engagement with the institutions imposed by the international community. While previous literature focuses either on the constitutional and institutional framework or on the more direct forms of local resistance to international intervention, this article looks into more subtle forms of resistance whereby local citizens change the meanings of imposed institutions. To this purpose, this article examines the process of adoption of two minority-relevant laws: the Law on Historic Centre of Prizren and the Law on the Village of Velika Hoča/Hoçë e Madhe. By employing a critical frame analysis, this paper points to the very subtle forms of resistance to the international rule such as: exclusion of citizens from participation in decision-making, defining citizenship in ethnic terms or changing the meaning of minority relevant legislation by framing it from the perspective of state- and nation-building. All of these actions resist the international efforts to build Kosovo as a multiethnic state and impugn the legitimacy of the system. These findings indicate the important role of local citizens in creating the sustainable peace.

Editor: 1938- , A. Fellows and A. R. Llewellin-Taylour. ; "Containing the statutes of the session annoted and explained; digest of all cases decided in the courts; and the circulars, orders, and other official information relating to the jurisdiction of local authorities issued during the year." ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Continued by: Dumsday, W. H. (William Henry). Dumsday's local government law and legislation.

The effective stalemate over national labor law reform that began in the 1970s has prompted employer groups and organized labor to increasingly shift their attentions to legislation at the state and local levels. Unions and their allies have sought to enact, for example, laws that limit the use of public money for pro- and anti-union activities, laws providing card check recognition for certain groups of employees, and responsible contactor legislation. The author examines two of these types of laws: neutrality laws at the state level and labor peace agreements at the local level. In September 2000 California became the first state in the nation to enact a "state neutrality" law with effective enforcement mechanisms. Assembly Bill 1889 prohibits employers from using state money, received in the form of grants, loans, contracts or reimbursements, to promote or deter unionization. The author describes the background to the law, its provisions and impact, and employers' legal challenge to the law. California has also been at the forefront of promoting labor peace agreements at the city and county levels. The author examines these agreements, which require that employers sign labor peace agreements with unions as a condition of receiving financial assistance from the city or county. The chapter concludes with an examination of how recent state and local legislative developments are likely to influence the campaign for labor law reform at the federal level.

Caption title: The Charter. ; "The charter": p. 1-15. ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.