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AbstractThis article theorises the repressive security practices of authoritarian states in the context of transnationalism and globalisation. While emerging research on transnational repression has identified a range of extraterritorial and exceptional security practices adopted by authoritarian states, it has not fully studied the implications of such practices on space and statecraft. Using data from the Central Asia Political Exile Database project (CAPE) and interviews conducted with exiled Tajik opposition groups based in Russia and Europe, we theorise the spatial connections between the territorial and extraterritorial security practices using the concept of assemblages. We further outline how these practices escalate in a three-stage model, in which exiles go on notice, are detained and then rendered or assassinated. Such an approach sheds light on the inherent links between the normalisation of security practices and the creation of transnational space with distinct forms of geographical state power that is embedded in non-national spaces and is manifested through spatially organised actors, networks, and technologies within assemblages.

Intro -- Contents -- Editorial Note -- Saúl Sosnowski / As Seen from the Other Shore: Uruguaryan Culture (Repression, Exile, and Democracy) -- Part I. Contexts -- Edy Kaufman / The Role of the Political Parties in the Redemocratization of Uruguay -- Juan Rial / The Social Imaginary: Utopian Political Myths in Uruguay (Change and Permanence during and after the Dictatorship) -- Martin Weinstein / The Decline and Fall of Democracy in Uruguay: Lessons for the Future -- Part II. Culture and Power -- Eduardo Galeano / The Dictatorship and Its Aftermath: The Hidden Wounds -- Leo Masliah / Popular Music: Censorship and Repression -- Mauricio Rosencof / On Suffering, Song, and White Horses -- Ruben Yáñez / The Repression of Uruguayan Culture: A Response to the People's Response to the Crisis -- Carina Perelli / The Power of Memory and the Memory of Power -- Part III. Literature and Repression -- Amanda Berenguer / The Signs on the Table -- Lisa Block de Behar / From Silence to Eloquence: Critical Resistance or the Ambivalent Aspects of a Discourse in Crisis -- Hiber Conteris / on Spatial and Temporal Exile: Expatriation and Prison Life -- José Pedro Díaz / The Silences of Culture -- Teresa Porzecanski / Fiction and Friction int he Imaginative Narrative Written inside Uruguay -- Part IV. The Shores of Exile -- Hugo Achugar / Postdictatorship, Democracy, and Culture in the Uruguay Eighties -- Alvaro Barros-Lémez / Uruguay: Redemocratization, Culture, Return from Exile (Is It Possible to Go Home Again?) -- Jorge Rugginelli / Uruguay, Inside and Out -- Contributors.

International audience ; Introduction In an article published almost two decades ago, G H Pirie (1983, page 472) wrote: ``It would be a pity indeed if the busyness of political philosophers was to go completely unnoticed by spatial theorists and applied researchers. Equally, it would be a pity . if this essay were to stand alone as a review of implications of that busyness.'' In that article, entitled On spatial justice'', Pirie reflected on the desirability and possibility of fashioning a concept of spatial justice from notions of social justice and territorial social justice'' (page 465). The present paper offers yet another reflection on the notion of justice as it relates to space and spatiality, to point to the ways in which various forms of injustice are manifest in the very process of spatialization, and the ways in which an increased awareness of the dialectical relationship between (in)justice and spatiality could make space a site of politics in fighting against injustice. As will become clear further through the text, the conceptualizations of both justice and space differ from the ways Pirie once viewed them. The paper is organized in five sections. The first section is a brief review of the geography literature which engages with the notion of justice, and serves to outline the theoretical position assumed in this paper. The second section provides an urban context in which a notion of spatial justice may be conceptualized. The third section is devoted to such a conceptualization. The fourth section presents the case of French urban policy in order to make the arguments more concrete. The concluding section is an attempt to define an ethico-political ground on which emancipatory politics in an urban spatial framework may be defended. The paper is conceptual in nature. Examples, however, are provided to stir the imagination as to the ways in which the dialectical relationship between (in)justice and spatiality may be conceived. The examples, therefore , are used to make this relationship more concrete, rather than attempting to provide a thorough discussion of the cases selected. Abstract. I attempt in this paper to conceptualize a notion of spatial justice in order to point to the dialectical relationship between (in)justice and spatiality, and to the role that spatialization plays in the production and reproduction of domination and repression. I argue that the city provides a productive ground for the formation of a spatially informed ethics of political solidarity against domination and repression. A `triad' is articulated to inform such politics, which brings together three notions: the spatial dialectics of injustice, the right to the city, and the right to difference. The notion of spatial justice is employed as a theoretical underpinning to avoid abusive interpretations of Lefebvrian rights in a liberal framework of individual rights. The case of French urban policy is used for illustrative purposes. Finally, the notion of e¨aliberteïs introduced as a moral ground on which the triad may be defended.

International audience ; Introduction In an article published almost two decades ago, G H Pirie (1983, page 472) wrote: ``It would be a pity indeed if the busyness of political philosophers was to go completely unnoticed by spatial theorists and applied researchers. Equally, it would be a pity . if this essay were to stand alone as a review of implications of that busyness.'' In that article, entitled On spatial justice'', Pirie reflected on the desirability and possibility of fashioning a concept of spatial justice from notions of social justice and territorial social justice'' (page 465). The present paper offers yet another reflection on the notion of justice as it relates to space and spatiality, to point to the ways in which various forms of injustice are manifest in the very process of spatialization, and the ways in which an increased awareness of the dialectical relationship between (in)justice and spatiality could make space a site of politics in fighting against injustice. As will become clear further through the text, the conceptualizations of both justice and space differ from the ways Pirie once viewed them. The paper is organized in five sections. The first section is a brief review of the geography literature which engages with the notion of justice, and serves to outline the theoretical position assumed in this paper. The second section provides an urban context in which a notion of spatial justice may be conceptualized. The third section is devoted to such a conceptualization. The fourth section presents the case of French urban policy in order to make the arguments more concrete. The concluding section is an attempt to define an ethico-political ground on which emancipatory politics in an urban spatial framework may be defended. The paper is conceptual in nature. Examples, however, are provided to stir the imagination as to the ways in which the dialectical relationship between (in)justice and spatiality may be conceived. The examples, therefore , are used to make this relationship more concrete, rather than attempting to provide a thorough discussion of the cases selected. Abstract. I attempt in this paper to conceptualize a notion of spatial justice in order to point to the dialectical relationship between (in)justice and spatiality, and to the role that spatialization plays in the production and reproduction of domination and repression. I argue that the city provides a productive ground for the formation of a spatially informed ethics of political solidarity against domination and repression. A `triad' is articulated to inform such politics, which brings together three notions: the spatial dialectics of injustice, the right to the city, and the right to difference. The notion of spatial justice is employed as a theoretical underpinning to avoid abusive interpretations of Lefebvrian rights in a liberal framework of individual rights. The case of French urban policy is used for illustrative purposes. Finally, the notion of e¨aliberteïs introduced as a moral ground on which the triad may be defended.

Obdachlose gehören zum städtischen Alltag. Sie sind sichtbar und werden zugleich kaum wahrgenommen. Nadine Recktenwald blickt in die historischen Räume der Obdachlosen wie Asyle, Notunterkünfte und selbstangeeignete Orte. Sie untersucht deren Erfahrungen mit urbanen Strukturen, sozialstaatlichen Maßnahmen und gesellschaftlicher In- und Exklusion. In der Weimarer Republik profitierten Obdachlose erstmals von kommunaler Sozialfürsorge. Zugleich blieb Obdachlosigkeit bis 1974 ein Straftatbestand. Diese Ambivalenz zwischen Fürsorge und Strafe ermöglichte Handlungsspielräume für die Betroffenen ebenso wie für die staatlichen Akteure. Insbesondere aber nicht nur im Nationalsozialismus wurden Obdachlose verdrängt und verfolgt. Mit einem raumanalytischen Ansatz, umfangreichen Quellen und Einzelbiografien erforscht die Autorin, wie Obdachlose spezifische soziale Praktiken ausbildeten, um ihre gesellschaftliche Position zu beeinflussen. Eindrucksvoll zeigt sie die Interaktionen der Betroffenen untereinander ebenso wie mit Ämtern, der Justiz und den städtischen Öffentlichkeiten. Eine aufschlussreiche Sozial- und Stadtgeschichte der Obdachlosen in der Weimarer Republik, im Nationalsozialismus und in der Bundesrepublik

What if the dominance of the spatial metaphor in political reasoning and imagination risks an ultimately anti-political structuration of the field, leaving no space for acts that re-shape relations of power and to power? This tendency can explain the movement away from space towards an appreciation and prioritization of temporality in contemporary political theory. And yet, as Žižek's fetishization of the 'radical act' as pure temporality reveals, no solution is to be found in reversing the terms of this binary opposition. Pure space and pure time form an imaginary double further enhancing the repression of the political. What is thus needed is a more sophisticated registering of the unavoidable space–time dialectic, able to allow a topological rethinking of space and to encourage democratic acts aiming at the reflexive re-institution of social orders.

Existing work seeks explanations for state repression mainly in domestic factors such as ethnic/religious cleavages, poverty and inequality, struggle for power, regime type and quality of state institutions, lack of loyalty, demand for scapegoats, and cultural or psychological traits of perpetrators. How foreign influences shape state repression has been given less attention. Furthermore, the focus of the empirical literature has been largely cross-country, leaving much local variation unexplained. In this article, I examine how far foreign interests can explain the local (spatial) variation of deportations and massacres during the Armenian genocide. Between 1915 and 1917 the Ottoman Empire carried out a massive campaign of state repression (deportations and massacres) against its Armenian population. There was meaningful variation across Ottoman provinces in the intensity of this campaign, that is, some provinces experienced more repression than others. I investigate the determinants of this spatial variation. My empirical analysis is guided by a rationalist (economic) model where deportation is a tool to stifle Armenian calls for independence, but the benefit and cost of deportation vary spatially. For example, deportation is costlier (i.e. the risk of foreign intervention is greater) in locations where foreign economic and military interests are threatened by the departure of Armenians. In line with the model's predictions, my empirical analysis indicates that there were fewer deportations in places where Armenians worked for the German-owned railway.

Refugee camps are frequently perceived as spaces of emergency and exception. However, they are also spaces where millions of people live their everyday lives, sometimes for extended periods of time. As such, refugee camps are political spaces where struggles over the right to influence life in the camps and shape how they are governed are continuously ongoing. In this context, what are the opportunities for political participation for refugees living in camps? How and to what extent are refugees able to carve out political space where they can engage with and affect their lives and their situations? This paper addresses these questions through an analysis of refugee camps in Thailand. Drawing on Foucauldian analytics, the analysis demonstrates how key strategies employed to govern refugees, namely spatial confinement and development interventions are also creatively subverted by refugees and appropriated as bases for resistance and political mobilization. The article provides new insights into the relationship between power and resistance, demonstrating how specific technologies of governance create opportunities for subversion, reinterpretation, and appropriation. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

Social unrest and armed violence rewind development achievements in the fight against poverty. This thesis examines various factors contributing to social unrest and armed violence in different parts of a country. A common method of this thesis is the empirical regression analysis of geo-spatial data to explain social unrest and armed violence. I find four results. First, social unrest occurs more likely in areas where droughts coincide with existing ethnic grievances. Second, to identify these grievances, we develop a novel spatial inequality measure between and within ethnic groups. Validation of the inequality measure against perceived differences in identity groups' economic conditions shows that individuals feel ethnic grievances. Third, competition between armed groups causally increases the level of violence. Finally, there is no evidence that development aid increases civil wars, but Chinese aid seems to increase state repressions and a higher tolerance for autocratic rule. This thesis shows that spatial characteristics can help understand and explain social unrest and armed violence within countries.

How do international sports events shape repression in authoritarian host countries? International tournaments promise unique gains in political prestige through global media attention. However, autocrats must fear that foreign journalists will unmask their wrongdoings. We argue that autocracies solve this dilemma by strategically adjusting repression according to the spatial-temporal presence of international media. Using original, highly disaggregated data on the 1978 World Cup, we demonstrate that the Argentine host government largely refrained from repression during the tournament but preemptively cleared the streets beforehand. These adjustments specifically occurred around hotels reserved for foreign journalists. Additional tests demonstrate that (1) before the tournament, repression turned increasingly covert, (2) during the tournament, targeting patterns mirrored the working shifts of foreign journalists, (3) after the tournament, regime violence again spiked in locations where international media had been present. Together, the article highlights the human costs of megaevents, contradicting the common whitewashing rhetoric of functionaries.

Abstract
This article analyzes spatial domination in middle-classed spaces—the spaces that cater to the dispositions, status, and lifestyle ideals of middle-class groups—of the neoliberal city. Grounded in interdisciplinary scholarship on the neoliberal city, the article introduces a typology of middle-classed spaces, which maps out different combinations of cross-class hostility and cordiality in dynamics of spatial domination. Through an extended case study of a new upscale neighborhood bordering a slum area in a southern Brazilian city, the article unveils the socio-historic conditions that inform the localized cross-class relations and situate it in the spatial typology. With the support of a semiotic square, the article then identifies, relates, and analyzes the hostile ("takeover" and "repression") and cordial ("makeover" and "concession") spatial practices by which dominant agents produce one specific type of middle-classed space. Through these practices, dominant agents improve the status, experience, and market value of the neighborhood for target upper-middle-class consumers, while further disenfranchising the poor from its spaces—effectively reproducing deep-rooted historical patterns of social exclusion. This study extends research on status consumption and spatiality while also adding insights into the role of the state in consumption and market dynamics.