Suchergebnisse

This article probes the intersection of spatial, caste, and gender axes of power in shaping contemporary inequalities in Kerala, through mixed-method research in an urban slum. Relying largely on qualitative data, it constructs a history of work in the slum for lower caste men and women against the backdrop of Kerala politics from the 1940s until the present. It examines the role of widening gender gaps, the persistence of secularized caste, and flagging working-class politics and discourse in shaping contemporary socioeconomic exclusion in urban areas. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

Social capital, derived from the individual embeddedness in a net of personal relationships that gives access to a pool of potential resources, is crucial in understanding how some people experience a higher risk of falling into social exclusion. In this article, we related some compositional and structural factors of egocentered networks to various measures on economic deprivation and social exclusion. We considered different explanatory dimensions: ego's sociodemographic characteristics and ego's social capital. Social capital was measured both in terms of expressive and instrumental support, and took into account network size, strong ties density, and alters' average job prestige, differentiating between inherited and achieved capital, a distinction that has deserved little attention so far. We used data from the Spanish General Social Survey 2013 (N = 5,094), a nationally representative database not applied for similar purposes up to the present. Results show how economic deprivation and social exclusion are associated with ascribed and achieved characteristics, both at the micro level (individual) and the meso level (network). At the micro level, women, immigrants, young people, less‐educated people, the unemployed, and those who do not trust others have higher estimated values on the variables with regards to social disadvantage. At the meso level, social exclusion is associated with lower occupational prestige of achieved relationships, fewer contacts for obtaining economic or medical help (but more contacts for childcare) and smaller non‐kin core discussion networks. In a familistic society with a limited welfare system, results help to disentangle the level of dependence people have on their own social resources.

This paper examines the impact of social inequality and social exclusion on health. Social exclusion in health can be explained by socioeconomic inequality in health as socioeconomic position mediates access to resources including health services. Moreover, the impact of socioeconomic position on health is mediated by people's differential exposures to a very broad range of physical, chemical, biological, social, psychological and behavioral risk factors to health. People belong to upper strata of society in developed and developing countries have been experiencing higher level of life expectancy and better health status than those who are at the bottom of the society. There is evidence that societies that are more economically equal and socially cohesive have lower overall mortality than those that are more unequal. Interventions focusing on improving socioeconomic condition and increasing social inclusion and equity in social, economic and political dimensions can contribute to reduce inequities and social exclusion in health. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v6i0.8477 Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 6, 2012 25-48

The American jury system holds the promise of bringing common sense ideas about justice to the enforcement of the law. But its democratizing effect cannot be realized if a segment of the population faces systematic exclusion based on income or wealth. The problem of unequal access to jury service based on socio-economic disparities is a longstanding yet under-studied problem—and one which the uneven fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic only exacerbated. Like race- and sex-based jury discrimination during the peremptory challenge phase of jury selection, the routine dismissal of citizens who face economic hardship excludes not only people but also the diversity of ideas, experiences, and frames of interpretation that characterize the American population. By failing to make sure that people who are poor can serve, we impoverish our shared understanding of doing justice. This Article offers a historical and empirical account of how socio-economic exclusion cuts prospective jurors from juries. It argues that the dominant rationale for such exclusion is a perception that poor and otherwise burdened prospective jurors should be excused from jury service for their own benefit. The effect of this superficially benevolent rationale, I argue, has been the concealment and reinforcement of class-based jury discrimination. The Article concludes that addressing this seemingly benign but exclusionary practice is an essential task for legal reformers, recognizing the relationship between race and class-based exclusion. Further, it recommends instituting structural changes that would make it possible for any eligible person to serve, regardless of income or wealth.

AbstractThis study investigated children's and adolescents' reasoning about intergroup exclusion based on social class from educational opportunities in Türkiye. The role of children's and adolescents' perceived contact with friends from different socioeconomic backgrounds on their evaluations of exclusion and personal solutions to the exclusion was also examined. Participants (N = 270) included 142 children (8–10 years old, Mage = 9.80; SD = 0.82; 53.5% girls) and 128 adolescents (14–16 years old, Mage = 15.46; SD = 0.91, 61.7% girls) from lower (N = 144) and higher (N = 126) socioeconomic backgrounds. Results showed that while most participants viewed social class‐based exclusion as wrong, adolescents were more likely to view it as wrong than were children. Adolescents from lower SES approached social class‐based exclusion as less acceptable than did adolescents from higher SES who referred to expectations about conformity to authority and the status quo. Moderation analyses showed that for adolescents from higher SES, higher perceived contact with friends from lower SES was associated with decreased acceptability of exclusion and increased motivation to provide equity.Research Highlights
Overall, adolescents living in a country with economic instability evaluated social class‐based exclusion from educational opportunities among peers as unfair and wrong.
Adolescents from lower SES viewed social class‐based exclusion as less acceptable than did adolescents from higher SES.
Adolescents from higher SES expected that excluders' intentions were motivated by conforming to authority and supporting the status quo more frequently than did children.
For adolescents from higher SES, perceived contact with friends from lower SES was associated with decreased acceptability of exclusion and increased motivation to provide equity.

In 2014, its 67th year as a sovereign country with a population of 1.21 billion (Government of India 2011a), India is the second most populous country in the world, the most populous democracy and has the longest written constitution among all sovereign countries. Its gross domestic product (GDP) is ranked tenth in the world (out of 184 countries) when measured through current prices (2014) and third on the basis of purchasing power parity (IMF 2014). In 1990, just before India embarked on an unprecedented economic liberalisation, the ranking by current prices was eleventh but by purchasing power parity it was ninth, indicating a significant jump forward in a 25-year period. Commensurate with the GDP growth (from around 5.5 per cent in the early 1990s to a peak of 10.3 per cent in 2010) (World Bank 2014), in spite of differences in poverty measurement between the Government of India, World Bank and the United Nations Development Programme, it is widely believed that there was significant reduction in poverty and that the government's emphasis on economic growth was responsible for this (Aiyar 2011). Against this background, this case study explores the socioeconomic experiences of gender and sexuality minority peoples in India, especially in respect of ways in which sexual and gender 'difference' may be correlated to economic hardship and restricted opportunities for livelihood in the context of Indian socioeconomic 'modernity'. Growth of economic opportunity through neoliberal models of economic expansion is typically achieved via the extension of economic opportunity for some people amidst the endurance of ongoing socioeconomic precarity for most others. In this report we consider these issues in the context of livelihood, poverty, economic opportunity and restraint in the lives of gender and sexuality non-conforming people in India, with a specific focus on the eastern Indian states of Odisha and Manipur. These sites were chosen because in the last five years they have been among the states that have witnessed a number of community, government, non-governmental organisation and donor-backed initiatives undertaken on economic inclusion for people with non-normative genders and sexualities.

This article studies the extent of teacher's in-group bias in occupational expectations and grading on the basis of a student's caste and socioeconomic status. The article adopts an experimental approach and draws on data generated from 122 teachers from 19 schools in Delhi, India. The caste and socio-economic status of students were randomly assigned to a set of essays written by them such that the assigned characteristics were not related to essay quality. The results show that high caste teachers hold higher occupational expectations from their in-group category and are biased against the low caste category. For instance, high caste teachers assign 0.53 per cent or 0.019 points higher occupational expectations to high caste students and assign 5.6 per cent or 0.19 points lower occupational expectations to low caste students. The magnitude of coefficients is small but significant at 5 per cent level (P value<0.005). In terms of marks assigned, results show, that high caste teachers assign 2.36 points or 3.22 per cent higher marks when the assigned characteristics belong to a high caste; indicating in-group bias/favor for the same caste. The coefficient is positive and significant at 5 per cent level (P- value < 0.05). In contrast, high caste teachers are shown to be biased against low caste students as they assign 2.41 points or 3.41 per cent lower marks when the assigned characteristics is a low caste. Given the ultra-competitive nature of schooling in India and the importance of grades in determining access to higher education in India, even a point disadvantage is substantial.

Brazil is a country of sharp disparities. The gap between the richest and the poorest citizens is one of the largest in the world. Inequality in Brazil is well-known, but its low mobility is not. Until now, few studies have sought to investigate how forms of social exclusion constrain socioeconomic mobility. Why do particular groups remain excluded and trapped in poverty for generations? What do Brazilians themselves think about income inequality and social mobility? This study explores these issues, provides a set of options to redress them, and promotes a national dialogue for action.In addi

This report examines the ways in which socioeconomic (SE) factors affect educational disadvantage. As a starting-point SE could be understood as a set of structural factors that influence education and could cause disadvantages for groups of children, youths and adults. Since socioeconomic disadvantage (SED) is a very complex concept, we will present a more extensive working definition. Official perceptions of SED as well as research perspectives will be discussed. SED has intersectional dimensions and these are explored here and in the other thematic reports1. There are several different factors used to measure socioeconomic conditions. Common ways of assessing SED can include parents' educational level, social background, living conditions and social heritage. In Eurostat, parents' educational level, living conditions, and income are measured together with other variables such as gender and ethnic group, in a multi-dimensional structure, in order to compile a comprehensive definition of SE. Although socioeconomic circumstances have an important effect on young people's school careers, the concept of SE is not formally and uniformly defined in relation to education in EU reports and statistics.

Climate change views have their socioeconomic foundations but also specific geographies. In merging these perspectives, this analysis uses ESS Round 8 data from 23 European countries to examine whether climate change scepticism and concern, pro-environmental personal norm and a willingness to engage in energy-saving behaviour exhibit, first, urban-rural and/or regional differences, and second, if these attitudes can be explained at individual level by socioeconomic position and wellbeing resources. We find that climate change scepticism and concern do exhibit urban-rural differences, where living in a country village is associated with greater climate scepticism and lower concern compared to living in a big city. Also, higher climate change concern and pro-environmental norms are associated with living in a region with constant population growth. These geographical differences are independent of individual-level socioeconomic attributes as well as one's political orientation. Additionally, the results show that both climate change attitudes and reporting energysaving behaviour are strongly stratified by level of education and reveal that those in lower income deciles feel less pro-environmental norm but nonetheless report greater engagement with energy-saving behaviour. In sum, the results highlight that climate change mitigation is not a uniform project either spatially or within certain socioeconomic strata. Hence, our results suggest that socioeconomic disadvantage (belonging to the lowest education and income levels) and spatial marginalisation (living in more rural surroundings and declining regions) should be better acknowledged when reworking climate change and environmental policies in the EU. ; Peer reviewed

This study is on caste inequality in child health outcomes: mortality, malnutrition and anaemia for the year 1998/99 to year 2019/21 and examines the association of socio-economic factors with outcomes. Disparity ratio (DR) and Concentration Index (CI) are computed to examine inequality in outcomes. The association of socio-economic factors was modelled using logit regression. The study finds marginalised group were more likely to have poor health outcomes. The disparity ratio found increased among SC and ST compared to Others during 1998-99 and 2019-21. The value of the concentration index was found high on U5MR among SC and ST. Among SC and ST, the child health outcome greatly varies for poorest and richest. Odds ratio is 40-60 per cent higher for SC and ST compared to children belonging to Others. On socio-economic factors; land ownership and wealth status contribute significantly but house ownership not so. Caste-based inequality is still impacting health and nutrition of children in the country. The more focused inclusive policy and clustering of marginalised groups at regional level can be helpful in improving health and nutrition of marginalised children concentrated in different regions with equity lens to push the SDG Goals.

The spatial concentration of socioeconomic disadvantage as a result of discriminatory practices presents a challenging scenario for policy intervention. In this paper I examine the European Union (EU) social exclusion approach in addressing socioeconomic disadvantage in deprived urban areas. I look at the Greek city of Komotini, a society fragmented along ethnic lines. I focus on the Turkish minority community and explore the creation of local governance structures aiming at tackling exclusion through enhanced participation in decision making. The concept of citizenship rights that guided local 'exclusion' policies exposes the differences in the de jure and the de facto rights of different groups in the city. The governance mode of participation, however, puts emphasis on coordination and consensus at the expense of local realities. EU participatory principles that take local networking dynamics for granted do not travel well in centralized governance frameworks.