Suchergebnisse

The research object of this article deals with a sharp ideological conflict that is associated with the presence of diametrically opposite interpretations of the nature of and the relevant interpretations of the present stage of socio-political crisis in Ukraine, which has started in 2013. In the mass media and in political literature, there is a wide range of characteristics and conceptual designations of the events of autumn 2013 – spring 2014 (and the subsequent processes) that vary from the "revolution of dignity" combined with the opposing her "foreign intervention" and "separatist movements" to a "coup d'etat" which provoked a "civil war" and "regionalist movements". The objectives of the article are to show the limitations of one-dimensional, strikingly ideologized interpretations and the need (for social sciences) to generate unbiased multi-dimensional, multi-level vision of complex, contradictory, and, in fact, tectonic transformations in the contemporary Ukraine.

The article is devoted to the role of regional identity in the development of the socio-political crisis in Ukraine in autumn and winter of 2004, known in scientific literature as the "Orange revolution". The authors analyze the controversial historical past of the territories that were united by the country that gained independence in 1991, and its influence on the development of processes in the field of national-state construction of modern Ukraine. The article considers the attempts of the Ukrainian authorities to develop a single national idea based on the concepts of "ukrainianness", "sobornost" and unitarity. The leading role in this process was played by the most extreme western regions, which had their own, sometimes radically different from other regions of the country, interpretation of issues of historical memory. In practical terms, this meant the implementation of a policy of Ukrainization, especially in the field of education, which caused discontent among residents of Russian-speaking regions. The authors conclude that the unresolved problem of regional identity during the years of independence played an important role during the "Orange revolution", which ended with an unconstitutional regime change in this Eastern European country.

This study assesses the impact of the crisis on economic and social outcomes in Cameroon's Northwest and Southwest regions as of 2019. Conflicts destroy tangible and intangible assets and strain surrounding areas, and subnational conflicts leave deep scars on a country's social fabric, culture, and collective memories. The NWSW crisis is a particularly poignant example of this, as it has directly targeted official symbols of the state, including schools and courts of law, and the resulting large-scale displacement has had secondary impacts on neighboring regions and at the national level. As of the end of 2019, the conflict was still active, and some longer-term outcomes and political, social, security, and institutional impacts were not yet observable beyond anecdotal evidence. The ongoing crisis, combined with the COVID-19 pandemic, has kept the two regions largely inaccessible. This has complicated data collection, as well as efforts to generate a more detailed understanding of conflict dynamics and actors. Given these constraints, this study has pursued a pragmatic strategy of analyzing pertinent issues in a systematic manner and relying on available information from a range of sources, including national and local governments, humanitarian assessments, existing surveys, press and newspaper articles, key stakeholder interviews, and remote sensing to gauge the impact of the ongoing crisis. Because no primary data collection has been carried out, the study does not measure the impact as of a specific date in 2019. Rather, it has tried to identify the most up-to-date and relevant sources to illustrate the impact, including the analysis of satellite images.

The paper considers the problem of the Siberian region general crisis of the 1917 spring. The internal and external contradictions of the transformation process of socio-economic and political relations in Siberia are examined in terms of the post-February all-Russian revolutionary crisis development. The understanding of the socio-political Russian crisis in the spring of 1917, emerging after the February political coup, is essential in studying the revolutionary соnversion process of the early twentieth century Russian society, as this crisis has generally become the turning point in the country's history and objectively led to the October political coup. The Russian revolutionary crisis constituents, its foreign and domestic manifestations require careful investigation in the issue formulation presented in the paper. The development specifics of the revolutionary crisis in the spring of 1917 in the trans-Uralian agricultural colony of the Russian Empire is of scientific interest, as well as the finding of its anti-crisis development scenarios in the paper presented period. The development of the nationwide crisis in Russia in the early twentieth century, due to the complex and contradictory processes of Russian society modernization in completing the industrial civilization and transition to the imperialist development stage, was complicated by the "Siberian historical issues" in the Siberian region. A set of these issues include the incompleteness of the regional peasantry land management, the contradictions between the old peasantry and Stolypin migrants, and also between the peasantry and the privileged regional Cossacks, the agricultural products export problems from Siberia to domestic and foreign markets, or marketing crisis, the contradictions between the regional and metropolis bourgeoisie, or the issue of the Siberians economic inequality, the local industry underdevelopment and the complete dependence of the local population on the factory products supplying from European Russia, or supply crisis, the lack of a country council, or the administrative inequality of Siberia as a colony and metropolis, etc. During the First World War, these problems worsened and led Siberia to a revolutionary situation. Started in Russia in February 1917, the revolution was an attempt to solve the "Siberian historical issues" personally by the regional population, whose social activity ultimately led to an acute socio-political crisis of Siberia, which became a part of the national post-February revolutionary crisis.

COVID-19 has affected the lifeways of people all over the world. Hence, this study is mainly concerned with the discourse related to COVID-19. It investigated the way cartoonists represented this pandemic in Arabic and whether such a representation reflects the contemporary attitudes and values of the society. For this purpose, 150 cartoons were selected from Alghad, an online Jordanian daily in Arabic, published between the years 2020-2021. Data was analysed through a multimodal analysis. The study revealed ten themes related to COVID-19 and used by Arabic cartoonists including the quarantine and the lockdown, economic devastation, political discourse, social relationship discourse, wishes and occasions, greetings for medical staff, travel and tourism, work and education, health awareness, and dissatisfied citizens. Our study was in agreement with the results of Joubert and Wasserman (2020). They stated that editorial cartoons are important not only because they disseminate information during a public health pandemic but also because they are considered a great source of data to measure public perceptions and sentiments. Keywords: cartoons, economic devastation, health awareness, political discourse, quarantine, social discourse

The logic of the so-called "social distancing" has highlighted the vulnerability of immigrants, especially those of Haitian origin. Facing this, through qualitative methodology, the relationship between the measures decreed in the face of the pandemic, a political-social crisis that precedes it, informal labor, and precarious housing, is explored, since these points are key to understanding the formation of a unique habitat, ties, and the building of a "territorialized us", which provides answers to how the health crisis is lived, and how the project of life and social insertion in Chile, particularly in Santiago, is redefined. This is a young population with difficulties to exercise the right to the city within the principles of democracy, equality, and social justice, being cast as second class due to daily and institutional racism. These conditions have effects on the migrant route, their intentions to settle, and the tendency to return to their countries of origin. ; La lógica del llamado "distanciamiento social" ha puesto en evidencia la vulnerabilidad de los inmigrantes, especialmente de origen haitiano. Frente a ello, a través de una metodología cualitativa, se propuso explorar la relación entre las medidas decretadas ante la pandemia, una crisis político-social que le antecede, el trabajo informal y la vivienda precaria, ya que en estos puntos existen claves para comprender la formación de un hábitat singular, formas de vinculación y constitución de un "nosotros territorializado", que entrega respuestas al cómo se vive la crisis sanitaria y cómo se redefine el proyecto de vida y la inserción social en Chile, en particular en Santiago. Se trata de una población joven con dificultades para ejercer el derecho a la ciudad dentro de principios de democracia, igualdad y justicia social, quienes son alterizados de manera subalterna, debido al racismo cotidiano e institucional. Esas condiciones tienen efectos en la trayectoria migrante y sus intenciones de arraigo, como también en las tendencias de retorno a los ...

The objective of scientific forecasting is to present the most probable course of an analyzed phenomenon, taking into account the direction and dynamics of its development. In the course of making forecasts one endeavors to determine the conditions providing for the evolution of this phenomenon. Twenty-something years of an independent Ukraine is decidedly too short a period to facilitate responsible hypothesizing on the development of internal and external situation of this country, but some suppositions are justified. On account of the limitations of this paper the author analyzes only selected events from the recent history of Ukraine. The analysis does not answer the question of whether the recurring crises in Ukraine result primarily from phenomena that cyclically occur in a democracy (i.e. elections), and are simply inherent in it or not. Alternatively, when the chronic nature of a crisis (not: crises) is assumed, it may be concluded that as Ukraine emerges 'unscathed' from each stage of the crisis it evolves towards a new, more advanced phase, in consistence with Kondratiev's theories of economic and political cycles. ; The objective of scientific forecasting is to present the most probable course of an analyzed phenomenon, taking into account the direction and dynamics of its development. In the course of making forecasts one endeavors to determine the conditions providing for the evolution of this phenomenon. Twenty-something years of an independent Ukraine is decidedly too short a period to facilitate responsible hypothesizing on the development of internal and external situation of this country, but some suppositions are justified. On account of the limitations of this paper the author analyzes only selected events from the recent history of Ukraine. The analysis does not answer the question of whether the recurring crises in Ukraine result primarily from phenomena that cyclically occur in a democracy (i.e. elections), and are simply inherent in it or not. Alternatively, when the chronic nature of a crisis (not: crises) is assumed, it may be concluded that as Ukraine emerges 'unscathed' from each stage of the crisis it evolves towards a new, more advanced phase, in consistence with Kondratiev's theories of economic and political cycles.

The article is devoted to the role of regional identity in the development of the socio-political crisis in Ukraine in autumn and winter of 2004, known in scientific literature as the "Orange revolution". The authors analyze the controversial historical past of the territories that were united by the country that gained independence in 1991, and its influence on the development of processes in the field of national-state construction of modern Ukraine. The article considers the attempts of the Ukrainian authorities to develop a single national idea based on the concepts of "ukrainianness", "sobornost" and unitarity. The leading role in this process was played by the most extreme western regions, which had their own, sometimes radically different from other regions of the country, interpretation of issues of historical memory. In practical terms, this meant the implementation of a policy of Ukrainization, especially in the field of education, which caused discontent among residents of Russian-speaking regions. The authors conclude that the unresolved problem of regional identity during the years of independence played an important role during the "Orange revolution", which ended with an unconstitutional regime change in this Eastern European country. ; Статья посвящена изучению роли фактора региональной идентичности в развитии общественно-политического кризиса на Украине осенью-зимой 2004 г., более известного в научной литературе как «оранжевая революция». Анализу подвергается противоречивое историческое прошлое территорий, которые объединила получившая в 1991 г. независимость страна, и его влияние на развитие процессов в области национально-государственного строительства современной Украины. Рассматриваются попытки украинских властей разработать единую национальную идею на основе концепций «украинскости», «соборности», унитарности. Ведущую роль в этом процессе играли выходцы из самых крайних западных областей, имевших собственную, порой радикально отличавшуюся от других регионов страны, трактовку вопросов исторической памяти. Однако именно их подходы стали стержнем политических, идеологических и культурных матриц национально-государственного строительства. В практическом плане это означало проведение политики украинизации, особенно в сфере образования, что вызывало недовольство жителей русскоязычных регионов. Авторы приходят к выводу, что нерешенная за годы независимости проблема региональной идентичности сыграла важную роль в ходе «оранжевой революции», закончившейся неконституционной сменой власти в этой восточноевропейской стране.

The article analyzes perceptions and experiences of the COVID19 pandemic in Chile in its interrelation with the situation of socio-political crisis that the country is living. The analysis is carried out based on the results of two information surveys done in the Coquimbo Region. The reflection is about the implications of the risk experience in a scenario of generalized distrust, and concluded that mistrust is consolidated and even worsens, as a result of a perception of institutional helplessness to face the pandemic threats, especially in relation to democratic political institutions. ; El artículo analiza percepciones y experiencias de la pandemia por COVID19 en Chile en su interrelación con la situación de crisis sociopolítica que vive el país. El análisis se realiza a partir de los resultados de dos levantamientos de información realizados en la Región de Coquimbo y reflexiona acerca de las implicancias de la experiencia del riesgo en un escenario de desconfianza generalizada. Se concluye que la desconfianza se consolida e incluso agudiza, producto de una percepción de desamparo institucional frente a las amenazas de la pandemia, especialmente respecto a las instituciones políticas democráticas.