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The scope of this work is analysing how economic policies chosen by governments are influenced by the power of social groups. The core idea is taken from the single-mindedness theory, which states that preferences of groups and their ability to focus on the consumption of goods enable them to obtain the most favourable policies. This approach exploits the advantages of probabilistic voting theory, ability to manage the multidiemnsionality and possibility to study precisely how politicians tailor their policies to groups' features. Unlike classic probabilistic voting models, my theory assumes that the density function which captures the distribution of political preferences depends on consumption of goods and preferences of individuals. The higher the consumption of goods, the higher the density, the higher the political power. This mechanism is better explained by considering the role played by "swing voters". Since they are pivotal to changing the equilibrium, candidates must favour them because they realise that even a small change in policy could force them to vote for the other candidate, Thus, the lower the loyalty of voters for parties, the higher the benefit they obtain. As a consequence, these voters are better off and represent the winners of the political process.

THERE HAS BEEN CONTROVERSY ABOUT LENIN'S PRACTICAL ROLE VERSUS HIS POLITICAL WRITINGS. THE AUTHOR PROPOSES TO SHOW A CONSISTENCY BETWEEN LENIN'S THEORIES, PROVIDING A GUIDE TO HIS INTENTIONS IN MODERNIZING RUSSIA. LENIN HAS BEEN GIVEN DUE CREDIT AS A POLITICIAN. HOWEVER, THERE HAS BEEN CONTROVERSY OVER WHETHER HIS THEORETICAL WRITINGS HAVE PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS. THE AUTHOR THINKS THAT LENIN'S WRITINGS ARE A COHERENT GUIDE TO HIS POLITICAL INTENTIONS; HE TAKES US STEP BY STEP THROUGH THE WRITINGS. LENIN'S FOCUS WAS ON THE MODERNIZATION OF RUSSIA. HE SAID THAT THE PEASANTS MUST BE ORGANIZED AND MUST BE EDUCATED OUT OF THEIR INDIVIDUALITY AND SELFISHNESS. HIS HOPES FOR A SUCCESSFUL REVOLUTION WERE BUILT ON THE INDUSTRIAL PROLETERIAT. HE CAME TO THE CONCLUSION THAT HUMAN NATURE AND SELFISHNESS WERE THE ULTIMATE ENEMY. HUMANITY HAD TO BE RAISED TO "THE RELIABILITY OF MACHINES".

We propose a positive theory that is consistent with two important features of social security programs around the world: (1) they redistribute income from young to old and (2) they induce retirement. We construct a voting model that includes a "political campaign" or "debate" prior to the election. The model incorporates "single-mindedness" of the groups that do not work: while the workers divide their political capital between their "age concerns" and "occupational concerns", the retired concentrate all their political capital to support their age group. In our model, the elderly end up getting transfers from the government (paid by the young) and distortionary labor income taxes induce the retirement of the elderly. In addition, our model predicts that occupational groups that work more will tend to have more political power. The opposite is true for non-occupational groups (such as the elderly). We provide some evidence that supports these additional predictions.

"Neben der Europäisierung der Politik und der Globalisierung der Ökonomie ist die Wiedervereinigung eine weitere große Herausforderung für das deutsche Modell industrieller Beziehungen. Anhand der Folie des 'Modell Deutschland-Ansatzes' wird geprüft, wie sich die Ausdehnung der Tarifautonomie auf die fünf neuen Länder bei den Gewerkschaften, Arbeitgeberverbänden und in der Tarifpolitik auswirkt (1990-2000). Untersucht wird dies am Beispiel der Metall- und Elektroindustrie, dem größten und einflussreichsten industriellen Sektor der Bundesrepublik. Zentrale These: Ostdeutschland ist trotz vieler Abweichungen, die vor allem mit der klein- und mittelständischen Industriestruktur zusammenhängen, kein Laboratorium, in dem ein neues Muster industrieller Beziehungen entsteht, das den historisch gewachsenen Pfad des westdeutschen Modells verlässt. Zukünftig wird es jedoch mehr regionale Abweichungen und Differenzen zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie geben, ohne dass die Einbindung in einen gemeinsamen institutionellen Kontext aufgegeben wird." (Autorenreferat)

"Kundenorientierung" ist gegenwärtig in Management und Öffentlichkeit das populärste Unternehmensleitbild. Sowohl die Kunden- als auch die Marktorientierung bedeuten dabei für die Autoren eine "Absetzbewegung von den überkommenen Organisationsstrukturen": Beide positionieren die Beschäftigten zumindest virtuell und normativ an den Grenzen der Organisation zum Kunden bzw. zum Markt. Die Autoren analysieren dieses Leitbild als einen neuen "ambigen Organisationsmythos". Diese These wird an einem Beispiel aus der aktuellen Lohn- und Entgeltgestaltung illustriert. Anschließend wird derselbe Sachverhalt an der Differenz zwischen Produktionsökonomie und Kundenorientierung am Beispiel der Arbeit in Call-Centern untersucht. Die Ausführungen zeigen insgesamt, wie das schwammige Konzept "Kundenorientierung" eine umkämpfte Deutungs- und Legitimationsressource ist, die die bestehenden organisatorischen Dilemmata und Konflikte eher verschärft. (ICA)

In this paper we will explain what International Mindedness is, why we should teach it and how. International Mindedness could be understood as an interest in problems that require the efforts of different people and nations in order to be successfully resolved. As educators, we not only want our students to be aware of global issues, but to actually care about them. If they are the ones who will lead the next generations as scientists, politicians, or economists, they are the ones who can contribute to the end of certain practices, such as student drop out or global warming. So, as teachers, we have to give them the necessary skills, abilities and knowledge to help them deal with personal and global issues that will contribute to a more tolerant and peaceful world.

We justify why a single seat from European members in international fora might be preferable than a multitude of seats. Leech and Leech (2005), Eichengreen (2008) proposed this reform at the IMF. Why? Even though nowadays European Union has an aggregate voting power that is higher than its' respective (expected) share in world output or population weight; If the single seat is obtained, more coordinated expected outcomes can be achieved. This line of reasoning is compatible with the single mindedness theory created by Mulligan and Sala-I-Martin and further extended by Canegrati. Focusing in one policy gives more political power for the single European seat.

In this paper, I argue that recent discussions of culprit‐based epistemic injustices can be framed around the intellectual character virtue of open‐mindedness. In particular, these injustices occur because the people who commit them are closed‐minded in some respect; the injustices can therefore be remedied through the cultivation of the virtue of open‐mindedness. Describing epistemic injustices this way has two explanatory benefits: it yields a more parsimonious account of the phenomenon of epistemic injustice and it provides the underpinning of a virtue‐theoretical structure by which to explain what it is that perpetrators are culpable for and how virtues can have normative explanatory power.