Dobbs, Equality and the Contested Meaning of Women's Rights
In: Texas Review of Law and Politics (Fall 2024), Forthcoming
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In: Texas Review of Law and Politics (Fall 2024), Forthcoming
SSRN
In: Health and Human Rights, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 136-147
Argentine sexual and reproductive rights activists insist on using the language and framework of 'human rights,' even when many reproductive rights activists in the US and elsewhere now prefer the framework of 'reproductive justice.' Reflecting on conversations with Argentine feminist anthropologists, social scientists, and reproductive rights activists, this paper analyzes why the Argentine movement to legalize abortion relies on the contested concept of human rights. Its conclusion that 'womens rights are human rights' is a powerful claim in post-dictatorship politics where abortion is not yet legal and the full scope of womens rights has yet to be included in the governments human rights agenda. Argentine feminist human rights activists have long been attentive to the ways that social class, gender, migration, and racism intersect with reproduction. Because their government respects and responds to a human rights framework, however, they have not felt it necessary-as US feminists have-to invent a new notion of reproductive justice in order to be heard. Given the increasing popularity of reproductive justice in health and human rights, the Argentine case shows that rights-based claims can still be politically useful when a State values the concept of human rights. Adapted from the source document.
In: Health and Human Rights, Band 17, Heft 1
Argentine sexual and reproductive rights activists insist on using the language and framework of 'human rights,' even when many reproductive rights activists in the US and elsewhere now prefer the framework of 'reproductive justice.' Reflecting on conversations with Argentine feminist anthropologists, social scientists, and reproductive rights activists, this paper analyzes why the Argentine movement to legalize abortion relies on the contested concept of human rights. Its conclusion that 'womens rights are human rights' is a powerful claim in post-dictatorship politics where abortion is not yet legal and the full scope of womens rights has yet to be included in the governments human rights agenda. Argentine feminist human rights activists have long been attentive to the ways that social class, gender, migration, and racism intersect with reproduction. Because their government respects and responds to a human rights framework, however, they have not felt it necessary-as US feminists have-to invent a new notion of reproductive justice in order to be heard. Given the increasing popularity of reproductive justice in health and human rights, the Argentine case shows that rights-based claims can still be politically useful when a State values the concept of human rights. Adapted from the source document.
In: NWSA journal: a publication of the National Women's Studies Association, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 119-140
ISSN: 1527-1889
In: Health and Human Rights, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 136
ISSN: 1079-0969
In: Human Rights Quarterly, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 53
In: Human rights quarterly: a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 53-60
ISSN: 0275-0392
Explored & explained is the wide gap between two important perspectives regarding the ethics of fertility control: (1) the feminist position that the needs of individual women should always take precedence over less concrete notions of what is good for society; & (2) the family planning establishment position that since reproductive behavior on the individual level may have severe negative consequences for the larger society, it may be necessary & correct to regulate the reproductive behavior of women. The biological, economic, political, & social implications of reproduction are discussed, & it is concluded that there is a direct relationship between societal dominance of women & the great power inherent in the control of reproduction. Questions are raised regarding the kind of society that could maximize the reproductive rights of women without creating a mirror image of the current situation, & thus violating the rights of men. AA.
In: Gender: Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 11-25
ISSN: 2196-4467
Im Beitrag wird die Diskussion um konzeptionelle Verständnisse von reproduktiven Rechten beleuchtet. Reproduktive Selbstbestimmung hat durch andauernde Delegitimierung an politischer Schlagkraft eingebüßt, steht aber auch in der Kritik, weil sie zu häufig als entsolidarisierendes individuelles Recht privilegierter (weißer) Frauen verstanden und praktiziert würde. Dagegen fordern aus antirassistischen Bewegungen entwickelte Ansätze reproduktiver Gerechtigkeit die Fokussierung auf soziale Rechte statt individuelle Freiheiten und den kollektiven Kampf gegen Strukturen reproduktiver Unterdrückung und intersektionale Diskriminierung. Diesen Ansatz teilen auch die internationalen Menschenrechtsausschüsse, die reproduktive Gesundheit als soziales Menschenrecht konzipieren. Doch verfestigte Traditionen menschenverachtender Bevölkerungspolitiken werfen einen langen Schatten und stellen auf Staatenpflichten basierende Reproduktionspolitiken und deren emanzipatorisches und transformatives Potenzial infrage.
In: Forthcoming, Reproductive Rights and Justice Stories
SSRN
Working paper
In: Dissent: a quarterly of politics and culture, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 79-82
ISSN: 1946-0910
For too long, the rhetoric of "choice" has privileged predominantly white middle-class women who have the ability to choose from reproductive options that are unavailable to poor and low-income women, especially women of color. The mainstream movement for reproductive rights has narrowed its concerns to advocate almost exclusively for the legal right to abortion, further distancing its agenda from the interests of women who have been targets of sterilization abuse because of the devaluation of their right to bear children.
In: Korean Journal of Law and Society, Band 73, S. 65-86
In: New York University journal of international law & politics, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 645
ISSN: 0028-7873
This book traces the development of the discourse used by the pro-life movement since the 1970s, and its relationship to public policy efforts at the state and federal level. The pro-life movement s successes, both in legislative efforts to limit access to abortion as well changing the public s perception of the pro-life movement, is surprising given American s continued support of some level of access to abortion. Using a multi-method approach, the authors argue that these successes are a result of a dynamic and responsive movement, which has adapted both its discourse and public policy efforts since Roe v. Wade. With the Hobby Lobby ruling in 2014, the movement has successfully created its newest strategy, integrating claims of religious liberty to protect individuals and corporate entities. The book s examination of the pro-life strategy highlights its current and future impact on human rights, reproductive rights, and right-wing politics."
Cover -- REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS AS HUMAN RIGHTS -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- CONTENTS -- Introduction -- 1. Restrictive Domestication: Human Rights and US Exceptionalism -- 2. Pushed to Human Rights: Marginalization in the US Women's Movement -- 3. Pulled to Human Rights: Engagement with Global Gatherings -- 4. Training the Trainers amidst Backlash -- 5. Marching toward Human Rights or Reproductive Justice? -- 6. Writing Rights and Responsibility -- 7. "They're All Intertwined": Developing Human Rights Consciousness -- 8. "Puppies and Rainbows" or Pragmatic Politics? Organizations Engaging with Human Rights -- Conclusion: Making Utopias Real -- Acknowledgments -- Appendix A: Methods -- Appendix B: Universal Declaration of Human Rights -- Notes -- References -- Index -- About the Author.