Suchergebnisse

Contents; Foreword by Ambassador Peter Maurer; Introduction; I. Contemporary Challenges of International Protection; II. Origins, Essence and Foundations of Special Procedures; III. The Protection Roles of Country Mandates; IV. The Protection Roles of Thematic Mandates; V. State, Individual, Corporate and International Responsibility; VI. Prevention, Urgent Action and Appeals; VII. Containment and Mitigation: The Transmittal of Complaints to Governments and Visits on the Spot; VIII. Fact-Finding, Recommendations, and Follow Up; IX. Remedies; X. Advocacy for Protection; Conclusion

Richard Falk's quest to combine academic scholarship with political activism is witnessed throughout his lifework, but perhaps especially so during his tenure as United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, a position he held from 2008 to 2014. Falk is a vocal critic of Israel's occupation and a staunch supporter of Palestinian selfdetermination, positions that have drawn strong condemnation from Israel and its supporters, but praise from Palestinians and their supporters. There is little doubt that Falk's work has had a huge influence on public debate and activism pertaining to this issue, both within Israel-Palestine as well as globally. This article outlines Falk's scholarship and activism regarding Palestine, analyzes the post of UN special rapporteur in general, reviews both criticism of and support for Falk's work, and assesses Falk's concept of the "citizen pilgrim." It concludes by reflecting on what this reveals about the experience of praxis for politically engaged academics.

AbstractThis Policy Insight suggests the UN must account for a diverse range of conflict drivers, including health insecurity, and that UN peace operations can play a role in countries of deployment to counter health crises. Insecurity is experienced in a variety of different ways in a complex world where threats are multifaceted. COVID‐19 is merely the latest health crisis which has impacted populations around the globe in both developed and developing countries. However, UN peace operations have not typically played a major role in addressing health insecurity nor have they undergone any major shifts in their focus to provide direct health‐related assistance during the COVID‐19 pandemic. With health insecurity likely to persist, there should not need to be a global pandemic for the UN Security Council to use peace operations to undertake further preventative work in this area.

This study is an attempt to understand how development politics followed by the civil society organisations (CSOs) (with special reference to non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in India can be analysed in view of the social character of such organisations. The findings of this study are based on field work conducted in the northern Indian region of Bundelkhand. Bundelkhand is an economically underdeveloped, poverty ridden and draught-prone region located in the northern states of Uttar Pradesh (UP) and Madhya Pradesh (MP). The region suffers from deep-rooted social hierarchies and discrimination based on caste. Prevalence of such conditions of underdevelopment has also resulted in the emergence of vibrant CSOs in the region. However, the developmental agenda pursued by these organisations is largely confined to the questions of economic development including poverty alleviation, distribution of benefits of various state policies or raising concerns of depletion of natural resources especially of water scarcity. Larger structural questions of social justice, inclusion or participation of socially marginalised groups, especially of the scheduled castes (SC) and scheduled tribes (ST), have not received adequate attention in the agenda of most of these organisations. This study attempts to argue that what can explain this non-political nature of developmental agenda pursued by these CSOs is the social character of their leadership. A major reason behind the question of representation of social marginalised groups not being the core agenda of development is the continued dominance of social and economically dominant castes in managing these organisations. Though these groups do raise concerns of social equality and justice, it does not form the core agenda of development of the region. The state machinery or international aid agencies continue to work with the dominant sections as the agenda setters, while the representatives of marginalised communities continue to function at the margins of developmental agenda for the region.