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In Military Justice and the Right to Counsel, S. Sidney Ulmer seeks to explore and compare the right to counsel that has been afforded the American serviceman and that which has been granted his citizen counterpart in the civil courts. The civil and constitutional rights of the serviceman and the civilian in the context of criminal prosecutions are implemented in two distinct legal settings a civil system of state and federal courts, including the United States Supreme Court, and a military system composed of courts martial, boards of review, and the United States Court of Military Appeals. U

Critics of the criminal justice system observe that the promise of Gideon v. Wainwright remains unfulfilled. They decry both the inadequate quality of representation available to indigent defendants and the racially disproportionate outcome of the criminal process. Some hope that better representation can help remedy the gross overrepresentation of minorities in the criminal justice system. This Essay is doubtful that better lawyers will significantly address that problem. When the Supreme Court decided Gideon, it had two main purposes. First, it intended to protect the innocent from conviction. This goal, while imperfectly achieved at best, was explicit. Since Gideon, the Court has continued to recognize the importance of innocence claims at trial, issuing important, pro-defense decisions in the areas of confrontation, jury factfinding, the right to present a defense, and elsewhere. The Court's second goal was to protect African Americans subject to the Jim Crow system of criminal justice. But, as it had in Powell v. Alabama, the Court pursued this end covertly and indirectly, attempting to deal with racial discrimination without explicitly addressing it. This timidity was portentous. Gideon did not mark the beginning of a judicial project to eliminate race from the criminal justice system root and branch. Since Gideon, the Court has made it practically impossible to invoke racial bias as a defense; so long as those charged are in fact guilty, discrimination in legislative criminalization, in enforcement, and in sentencing practices are essentially unchallengeable. Since Gideon, racial disproportionality in the prison population has increased. Not only might Gideon not have solved the problem, it may have exacerbated it. To the extent that Gideon improved the quality of counsel available to the poor, defense lawyers may be able to obtain favorable exercises of discretion in investigation, prosecution, and sentencing for indigent white defendants that they cannot for clients of color. For these reasons, racial disparity likely cannot be remedied indirectly with more or better lawyers. Instead, the remedy lies in directly prohibiting discrimination and having fewer crimes, fewer arrests, and fewer prosecutions.

Critics of the criminal justice system observe that the promise of Gideon v. Wainwright remains unfulfilled. They decry both the inadequate quality of representation available to indigent defendants and the racially disproportionate outcome of the criminal process. Some hope that better representation can help remedy the gross overrepresentation of minorities in the criminal justice system. This Essay is doubtful that better lawyers will significantly address that problem. When the Supreme Court decided Gideon, it had two main purposes. First, it intended to protect the innocent from conviction. This goal, while imperfectly achieved at best, was explicit. Since Gideon, the Court has continued to recognize the importance of innocence claims at trial, issuing important, pro-defense decisions in the areas of confrontation, jury factfinding, the right to present a defense, and elsewhere. The Court's second goal was to protect African Americans subject to the Jim Crow system of criminal justice. But, as it had in Powell v. Alabama, the Court pursued this end covertly and indirectly, attempting to deal with racial discrimination without explicitly addressing it. This timidity was portentous. Gideon did not mark the beginning of a judicial project to eliminate race from the criminal justice system root and branch. Since Gideon, the Court has made it practically impossible to invoke racial bias as a defense; so long as those charged are in fact guilty, discrimination in legislative criminalization, in enforcement, and in sentencing practices are essentially unchallengeable. Since Gideon, racial disproportionality in the prison population has increased. Not only might Gideon not have solved the problem, it may have exacerbated it. To the extent that Gideon improved the quality of counsel available to the poor, defense lawyers may be able to obtain favorable exercises of discretion in investigation, prosecution, and sentencing for indigent white defendants that they cannot for clients of color. For these reasons, racial disparity likely cannot be remedied indirectly with more or better lawyers. Instead, the remedy lies in directly prohibiting discrimination and having fewer crimes, fewer arrests, and fewer prosecutions.