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David Mamet's Race is overdetermined by the paratexts hovering around it, most notably the essays in which he publicizes his conservative turn. This textual environment accentuates the text's participation in a contemporary political discourse that social scientists have theorized as post-racialism. But Race accommodates more complex and conflicted meanings: I read the play not so much as an advertisement of post-race ideology but as a text that exposes and deconstructs this ideology. I argue that this layer of meaning is primarily an effect of the legal drama genre on which the text draws. The conventions of the legal drama that Race invokes activate meanings in the text that cannot be fully controlled by the backlash-agenda articulated in the author's essays. ; "Der vorliegende Beitrag ist die pre-print Version. Bitte nutzen Sie für Zitate die Seitenzahl der Original-Version." (siehe Quellenangabe)

The challenges of facilitating conversations on racial inequality, whiteness, and privilege in classrooms include student disengagement and students' accusations of prejudice among instructors, particularly instructors of color. Moreover, the election of President Barack Obama in 2008 has promoted the claim that we are now "post-race" and thus no longer need to talk about race. Both students and instructors who believe otherwise and are committed to bringing up these topics in class risk facing ridicule or hostility and for instructors, even threats to their job security or life. However, in a public university where, ideally, racial inequality and privilege intersect, the classroom can be a space for critical dialogue and coalition building around racial justice. I discuss two pedagogical strategies that build opportunities to help students and instructors overcome "post-race paralysis"—the difficulty talking about race in the post-Obama era—and instead practice conversations towards anti-racism.

African Americans and other people of color seek redress for their racial injuries. However, if we are living in a post-racial society, one that is blind to race, then widespread redress makes no sense since widespread discrimination allegedly is a thing of the past. Therefore, it is worth asking, "if racial justice is about remembering racial injury, ha[s] our law made that memory impossible, erased by official color-blindness?" This question has been central to the study of law among Critical Race theorists since Critical Race Theory's (CRT) inception. Therefore, an analytical convergence of CRT and Marxism should help disentangle the morass that is antidiscrimination law. The connection between Marxism and CRT can be appreciated by examining the limitations of civil rights laws in alleviating some of the most pressing social and political stresses on communities of color today. And yet, the connection seems to get lost beneath the din of those who claim that we are experiencing our first post-racial moment in a larger post-Marxist epoch. The aim of this Essay is to examine how a convergence of Marxism and CRT might enhance a critique of the U.S. Supreme Court's interpretation of race discrimination under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.

Anti-racist social work is at a crossroads: while on the one hand, racial binaries such as black/white, us/other and slave/master can be useful political tools to understand institutional racism, current contexts of multiculturalism raise questions about the continued relevance of race as a category for analysis. 'Newer' forms of racialised identities are emerging that need to be incorporated into a broader conceptualisation of non-colour-based race theory. In this article, these contradictions are explicated through a phenomenological study of embodied reflections on race, ethnicity and self-identity among social work students. Frantz Fanon's 'fact of blackness' provides an epistemic guide to this phenomenological study, providing a multi-layered examination of social work students' experiential accounts of their embodied identities, their colour, race, blackness, whiteness and sexuality and what this means for self-identity. Tentative student discourses provide powerful insights into the urgent need for a radical turn in (re)locating culture and race studies in the social work curriculum.

This article takes the speech that Barack Obama made in his campaign for democratic nomination in 2008 as a moment in the performativity of race. It argues that Obama was unable to sustain an attempt to be 'post race', but is also asks the extent to which Obama was able to re-write the way in which race is positioned within the US, particularly with reference to the place of African-Americans within the national narrative.