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Ever since the inquisitive age in which Voltaire wrote his Philosophic Dictionary, reflection upon the course of human events has caused scholars to persist in the search for a rational interpretation of history. They have not been discouraged by the skepticism of historians who, like Froude, have argued that the address of history must be less to the understanding than to the higher emotions. "A science of history," according to this historian, "implies that the relation between cause and effect holds in human things as completely as in all others; that the origin of human actions is not to be looked for in mysterious properties of the mind, but in influences which are palpable and ponderable." Froude believed that "natural causes are liable to be set aside and neutralized by what is called volition," and that in consequence "the word Science is out of place" in connection with the study of history. If, as Froude intimated, the origin of human actions can be found only in mysterious properties of the mind, the outlook for a rational interpretation of history may well be poor.

States have engaged in an intensive process of multilateral treaty making since World War Two despite the fact that few multilateral treaties have fully solved the problems they were designed to address. This inter-disciplinary study of multilateral treaties offers a balanced assessment of the function of multilateral treaties in world politics that draws out the political, as distinct from the legal, meaning of a treaty text. The treaty establishing a regime is regarded as an agreement to set some negotiated limits on pursuit of a common foreign policy goal so that full-blown pursuit of that goal will not bring the States into conflict nor jeopardize any State's pursuit of that goal. States are then able to continue pursuing that goal with, if anything, renewed vigour, albeit within the agreed limits. Theorising the relationship between a treaty text and its political context establishes a basis on which to critically reconceptualize regime effectiveness and on which to develop 'treaty strategy' for use by political actors, including international lawyers

Nilsson, A-S. Political Interpretations of International Legal Norms. Cooperation and Conflict, XXIII, 1988, 163-177. International law is frequently accused of being irrelevant in the international system. In political language, it is supposed to play a basically manipulative role. This study examines the use of international legal norms in political language in an effort to determine whether actors actually, as critics argue, approach these norms in a homogeneous verbal way, regardless of the legal beliefs of the actors. Actors' verbal interpretations of legal norms ("say") are contrasted to the approach found in their legal models ("think") and in practical behavior ("do"). Traditional law is one of many possible legal models. The verbal, practical and theoretical interpretations of legal norms made by four intervening actors in the Spanish Civil War (France, Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union) are analyzed and compared. Although these are actors with a wide variance in legal beliefs (one is a status quo actor and three present different revolutionary models), their verbal approaches to legal norms proved to be very similar. Only rarely did political language reflect the legal beliefs/models and behavior of revolutionary actors. Instead, also revolutionary actors relied on traditional law in political language. The acceptance by the traditional legal system of such verbal manipulation of legal norms could, it is suggested here, both weaken and strengthen this system in the long run.

By 1994 Africa had only one major unresolved colonial question. Namibia and Eritrea having acquired their independence in March 1990 and May 1993 respectively, the former Spanish colony of Western Sahara remains controlled by the Kingdom of Morocco (as it has since 1975), despite the expenditure of thousands of human lives, billions of dollars, and strenuous diplomatic efforts to resolve the dispute through the Organisation of African Unity (O.A.U.) and the United Nations. Both Morocco, under the monarchical régime of King Hassan II, and the Frente popular para la Liberación de Saguia el-Hamra y Río de Oro (Polisario Front) composed of Saharawis dedicated to the establishment of an independent Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (S.A.D.R.), have found each other far more resourceful and less willing to compromise than they could possibly have surmised almost two decades ago.

Reshaping the British Constitution provides a vigorous critique of the deformations of Britain's customary constitution and why it could not effectively stem the growth of a centralized political authority. On this foundation it provides a critical description and assessment of recent constitutional changes including devolution, House of Lords reform, human rights and the encroachment of the European Union. Nevil Johnson suggests that since the reform programme has rested on pragmatic political expediency rather than on coherent thinking about constitutional principles, it is likely to strengthen the familiar deformations of the customary constitution.