Political Fundraising Networks
In: MIT Political Science Department Research Paper No. 2012-28
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In: MIT Political Science Department Research Paper No. 2012-28
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Working paper
In: Campaigns and elections: the journal of political action, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 55-58
ISSN: 0197-0771
In: Campaigns and elections: the journal of political action, Band 18, Heft 4, S. 39-41
ISSN: 0197-0771
In: The major gifts report: monthly ideas to unlock your major gifts potential, Band 26, Heft 6, S. 2-2
ISSN: 2325-8608
In: State politics & policy quarterly: the official journal of the State Politics and Policy section of the American Political Science Association, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 201-224
ISSN: 1946-1607
AbstractCan politically polarizing events bear dividends for extremist lawmakers? Evidence from California legislative financial disclosures suggests they can. During the state's numerous budget shutdowns of the last 30 years, extremist legislators outside their party median could expect greater fund-raising hauls than their more centrist counterparts. The results suggest that polarizing events such as California's perennial budget impasses can make extremist positions more appealing to the polarized political elites who generally fund political campaigns. Regardless of the motivation, however, these results suggest a strong incentive to prolong political discord by extremists—a troubling outcome in cases where supermajority votes are required.
In: Public choice, Band 130, Heft 3, S. 503
ISSN: 0048-5829
In: Public choice, Band 123, Heft 3, S. 477
ISSN: 0048-5829
In: Public choice, Band 130, Heft 3-4, S. 503-503
ISSN: 1573-7101
In: Public choice, Band 123, Heft 3-4, S. 477-493
ISSN: 1573-7101
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations
ISSN: 1460-3683
Political candidates utilize social media to mobilize supporters, persuade voters, and raise money. However, little is known about the structure of mass electoral appeals when donors are the primary target instead of voters. Because candidates' donors and voters can differ significantly, with donors more partisan and ideologically extreme on average, we theorize that candidates use strategic rhetoric tailored to specific audiences. To analyze how campaigns perceive and target their "financial electorate," we leverage data from the Facebook Ad Library for 2020 U.S. congressional candidates and distinguish political ads by their persuasion targets. Using text analysis, we test the hypotheses that donor-targeting messages are more toxic, negative, and likely to reference a polarizing president than voter-targeting messages. The results support our hypotheses, and Republican candidates, on average, used more toxic language than their Democratic counterparts. As campaigns' scramble for donations intensifies, these characteristics of fundraising appeals may further polarize the electorate.
In: Campaigns and elections: the journal of political action, Band 24, Heft 4, S. 32-33
ISSN: 0197-0771
In: Social science quarterly, Band 82, Heft 3, S. 536-551
ISSN: 1540-6237
Objective. Despite lack of attention from urban scholars, candidates' fundraising is a critical component of electoral politics in cities. In this research I evaluate the degree to which candidates' political experience is related to fundraising in city council elections. Methods. Multivariate regression is used to test models of city council fundraising in Chicago and Los Angeles. Results. In both cities, fundraising is a function of incumbency and prior experience as a political staff aide. Political endorsements are also important, especially those that come from incumbent politicians. The competitive environment also matters, as nonincumbents in open seat contests raise more than those who challenge incumbents. Conclusions. Fundraising in city council elections is shaped most notably by a combination of political experience and elite endorsements. For nonincumbents, the importance of prior experience on a political staff suggests a certain career trajectory for those seeking city council seats.
In: The Forum: a journal of applied research in contemporary politics, Band 13, Heft 2
ISSN: 1540-8884
AbstractIn the wake of the Bi-Partisan Campaign Finance Reform Act of 2002 and subsequent rulings by the Supreme Court, American political parties face greater regulation than interest groups in terms of their ability to finance federal elections. While parties continue to be constrained by contribution limits, nearly all interest groups can now raise and spend money in unlimited amounts to influence elections. Further, many new groups formed to take advantage of these legal changes. Few studies address the ramifications of these developments for political parties' fundraising capabilities. To see whether these disadvantages hamper party fundraising, I examine parties' direct fundraising costs overtime and I use structural equation analysis to investigate the giving habits of party donors overtime. I find the fundraising cost of each dollar raised has risen and habitual party donors provide significant support to Super PACs. Habitual party donors have also become less consistent givers in the Democratic Party. I discuss the relationship of these findings to changes in party fundraising tactics and their implications for future efforts by the parties to maintain their revenue streams.
In the wake of the Bi-Partisan Campaign Finance Reform Act of 2002 and subsequent rulings by the Supreme Court, American political parties face greater regulation than interest groups in terms of their ability to finance federal elections. While parties continue to be constrained by contribution limits, nearly all interest groups can now raise and spend money in unlimited amounts to influence elections. Further, many new groups formed to take advantage of these legal changes. Few studies address the ramifications of these developments for political parties' fundraising capabilities. To see whether these disadvantages hamper party fundraising, I examine parties' direct fundraising costs overtime and I use structural equation analysis to investigate the giving habits of party donors overtime. I find the fundraising cost of each dollar raised has risen and habitual party donors provide significant support to Super PACs. Habitual party donors have also become less consistent givers in the Democratic Party. I discuss the relationship of these findings to changes in party fundraising tactics and their implications for future efforts by the parties to maintain their revenue streams.
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In: Social science quarterly, Band 82, Heft 3, S. 536-551
ISSN: 0038-4941
Objective. Despite lack of attention from urban scholars, candidates' fund-raising is a critical component of electoral politics in cities. In this research, I evaluate the degree to which candidates' political experience is related to fund-raising in city council elections. Methods. Multivariate regression is used to test models of city council fundraising in Chicago & Los Angeles. Results. In both cities, fund-raising is a function of incumbency & prior experience as a political staff aide. Political endorsements are also important, especially those that come from incumbent politicians. The competitive environment also matters, as nonincumbents in open seat contests raise more than those who challenge incumbents. Conclusions. Fund-raising in city council elections is shaped most notably by a combination of political experience & elite endorsements. For nonincumbents, the importance of prior experience on a political staff suggests a certain career trajectory for those seeking city council seats. 2 Tables, 387 References. Adapted from the source document.