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Following Sept. 11, 2001, the Bush Administration began imposing every increasing limitations on civil rights. One example is the implementation of free speech zones, a practice in which political dissidents are cordoned off from the President during public appearances. While these zones originated in the 1980s, the use of them has grown considerably in the past few years. Critics argue that moving protesters to a remote location during Presidential events gives the impression that there is no dissent. This paper explores the constitutionality of free speech zones, ultimately demonstrating the shortcomings of the true threats doctrine, a legal framework for analysis in cases dealing with speech that may be threatening. This article suggests an alternative framework for analysis that would 1) better balance national security interests with speech protection for political dissidents and 2) clear up some of the doctrinal confusion in the application of the true threats doctrine in general.

.cs95E872D0{text-align:left;text-indent:0pt;margin:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt}.cs5EFED22F{color:#000000;background-color:transparent;font-family:Times New Roman; font-size:12pt; font-weight:normal; font-style:normal; }In 1999, the tenth anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre, leading dissident Jiang Qisheng was given a four-year sentence for inviting the Chinese people to light candles to honor the victims. Drawn with indignant intensity from Jiang's time in prison, his memoirs offer compelling observations of two of the three modern, "civilized" Beijing jails in which he was held

What explains the great variation in the adoption, timing, and duration of government policies made in response to the COVID-19 pandemic? In this article, we explore whether government incentives to repress domestic dissidents influence their responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. We argue that COVID-19 containment policies are observationally equivalent to those that abusive governments use to limit domestic dissent – that is, policies that restrict citizens' freedom of movement. This creates an opportunity for abusive governments to engage in repressive behavior without countervailing pressure from citizens and the international community. Following this logic, we expect abusive governments to be more likely to adopt restrictive policies, adopt them earlier in the course of the pandemic, and take longer to relax restrictions. Empirically, we find that governments that have recently engaged in state violence against civilians or abused citizens' human rights were about 10% more likely to enact lockdown and curfew policies. Compared to less repressive countries, these policies were implemented approximately 48 days earlier in the pandemic and kept in place for approximately 23 days longer. Overall, our results advance our understanding of how the repressiveness of state institutions can shape policy responses to a global health crisis.

OBJECTIVES: This study assessed the self-reported mental health, physical health, and social functioning of young adult political exiles and relates their psychiatric symptoms to their trauma and survival strategies. METHODS: A 1992/93 survey of Burmese who fled to Bangkok, Thailand, after participating in a 1988 uprising against Burma's government elicited information on employment, education, disability, trauma, survival strategies, and depressive and posttraumatic stress symptoms. RESULTS: The 104 participants reported a mean of 30 trauma events, including interrogation (89%), imprisonment (78%), threats of deportation (70%), and torture (38%). Many reported poor health and lack of social supports, but few reported substantial social disability. The prevalence of elevated symptom scores was 38% for depressive symptoms and 23% for criterion symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder. Symptoms of avoidance and of increased arousal were the most strongly related to cumulative trauma. Two survival strategies, camaraderie and a Buddhist concept of self-confidence (weria), were associated with somewhat reduced levels of both classes of symptoms. CONCLUSIONS: Burmese political exiles in Thailand are young adults adversely affected by severe trauma. Their psychosocial well-being may deteriorate further without legal protections to reduce the continuing stress and violence.

"This book offers visual, social-historical analyses of paintings and drawings by the German Communist Karl Schwesig, following the course of Schwesig's own internments and the dehumanizing treatment that characterized the racialization of Jewish and "mixed-race" persons in Vichy France and the attempted elimination of political dissidents"--

They stood firm on their convictions despite the odds. Some paid a heavy toll for their beliefs - deprivations, long prison terms, lonely lives in self-imposed exile. But they never broke. Some will say the unflinching attitude of these dissidents against what they perceived as coercive authority has been an exercise in futility. Yet other say the course of Singapore's history might have been altered if their will had prevailed. Their stories need to be told. The first of it's kind, this book will inform and educate. Rather than to glorify their tough stance, these memoirs are a record of human.

"Dissident minorities" are members of marginalized groups who dissent from the consensus group position on matters seen as critical to their group's collective liberation. This paper articulates the distinctive political status—powers, vulnerabilities, and obligations—of dissident minorities. Dissident minorities may be especially vulnerable to slurs or ostracism as "self-hating." But they also can wield significant public influence by positioning themselves as exceptional and exemplary members of their group. Both the powers and vulnerabilities of dissident minorities, in turn, converge around the prospect of "tokenization"—the use of the dissident minority's dissident opinion by majority group actors as a means of discharging a stipulated obligation to engage with the minority group writ large. While dissident minorities should be free to hold and advocate for their divergent positions in public spaces, they retain a distinctive obligation to not offer themselves out as adequate replacements for engagement with the broader group.

The arrests and trials last spring of publishers, writers and others following the 'Kaohsiung Incident' on Human Rights Day, 10 December 1979, have focused international attention on human rights in the 'other' Republic of China – the island nation of Taiwan. The recent government crackdown ended a period of intense dissident activity, but in fact the past 30 years in Taiwan have seen several cycles where growing political debate was followed by repression, although in general there has been an easing of government harshness over the years. This article looks at the evolution of political dissent and official responses to it in Taiwan – particularly as these have affected writers and intellectuals.