Suchergebnisse

IN CROATIAN: U ovom radu su prikazani studentski plakati na temu "Obnovimo Zagreb" nastali nakon potresa u sklopu kolegija "Praktikum iz dizajna" na Tehničkom veleučilištu u Zagrebu. Radove su dizajnirali studentice i studenti tijekom nastave na daljinu pod mentorstvom prof.dr.sc. Jane Žiljak Gršić i Ulle Leiner Maksan, mag. des. u periodu vlastitog suočavanja s posljedicama razornog potresa, uništenih domova i prisilnog preseljenja. Također, u to vrijeme na snazi su bile mjere suzbijanja pandemije virusa Covid-19. Studenti i studentice su u plakatima u skladu sa smjernicama dizajna aktivističkog plakata prikazali svoje ideje i osobne doživljaje razrušenog grada. Rezultati ukazuju na tri osnovna fenomena u radovima: a) ljubav prema gradu, b) kritičnost prema reakcijama nadležnih institucija, c) nužnost brze obnove grada. U prikazanim i izloženim plakatima studentica i studenata druge godine Informatičkog dizajna prisutan je aktivistički i kritički stav prema iskazanom nemaru i sporoj obnovi glavnog grada Republike Hrvatske nakon potresa. Kao i cijela studenska populacija, tako i autori ovih plakata sami su ugrožena populacijska grupa u ovoj situaciji jer su se suočili s napuštanjem studentskih domova. Studenti su kroz aktivistički plakat iskazali svoj stav i želju za učinkovitijim djelovanjem gradskih institucija i institucija državne vlasti. Plakati su nastali njihovom željom za bržom obnovom, a ne direktnom komercijalnom narudžbom. --- IN ENGLISH: This paper presents student posters on the topic "Let's rebuild Zagreb" created after the earthquake as part of the course "Practicum in Design" at the Technical Polytechnic in Zagreb. The works were designed by students during distance learning under the mentorship of prof.dr.sc. Jane Žiljak Gršić and Ulla Leiner Maksan, mag. des. in a period of its own confrontation with the consequences of a devastating earthquake, destroyed homes and forced relocation. Also, measures to combat the Covid-19 virus pandemic were in place at the time. The students presented their ideas and personal experiences of the destroyed city in posters in accordance with the design guidelines of the activist poster. The results indicate three basic phenomena in the works: a) love for the city, b) criticism of the reactions of the competent institutions, c) the need for rapid reconstruction of the city. In the displayed and exhibited posters of second-year students of Information Design, there is an activist and critical attitude towards the expressed negligence and slow reconstruction of the capital of the Republic of Croatia after the earthquake. Like the entire student population, the authors of these posters themselves are a vulnerable population group in this situation as they are faced with leaving student dormitories. Through an activist poster, the students expressed their attitude and desire for more efficient operation of city institutions and state government institutions. The posters were created by their desire for faster renewal, not by direct commercial order.

Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; V luči pojava skrajno desne in populistične retorike v Evropi, ki je bila zlasti posledica migrantske krize leta 2015, ter rasističnega in ksenofobnega diskurza, ki je bil premnogokrat odgovor nanjo, članek podaja multimodalno analizo političnih sloganov in plakatov slovenskih strank, ki so na državnozborskih volitvah leta 2018 osvojile parlamentarne sedeže. Volitve so bile namreč poleg osredotočanja na problematike, lastne slovenski politični krajini, prežete z govorom o tem, kako se spopasti z izzivi, s katerimi se sooča Evropa. Cilj raziskave je preučiti, katerih jezikovnih in vizualnih sredstev so se posluževale stranke na najrazličnejših straneh političnega spektra in ali bi lahko za nekatere elemente dejali, da so značilni za določeno politično usmerjenost. Kratkemu pregledu slovenskih strankarskih dinamik in pogojev, ki so pripomogli k njihovemu razvoju, sledi analiza političnih kampanj strank. Zavzemši držo politične analize diskurza se prvi del osredotoča na leksikalne in skladenjske odločitve strank v političnih sloganih in na podporno slikovno gradivo, medtem ko je drugi del namenjen jezikoslovni analizi načina, kako politične stranke v svojih predvolilnih programih naslavljajo pet glavnih tem: pokojnine, korupcijo, finance, zdravstvo in varnost. Njihova stališča in razlike med njimi glede na politično usmerjenost so ponazorjene z izbranimi izseki iz strankarskih programov.

Ovaj rad bavi se temom propagande u vrijeme SSSR-a, konkretnije u kasnim tridesetim i četrdesetim godinama 20. stoljeća. Riječ je o ratnim i poratnim godinama u Sovjetskom Savezu kada su vlasti koristile sva raspoloživa sredstva radi manipuliranja narodom i stvaranja ujednačenog, kolektivnog javnog mišljenja. Manipuliranje narodom, formiranje javnog mišljenja i ukidanje individualnosti samo neke su od značajki socijalističkog režima i represije. Općenito govoreći, propaganda označava sustavni pokušaj oblikovanja percepcije i spoznaje te manipuliranja ponašanjem pojedinaca kako bi se stvorile reakcije koju propagandisti žele postići. Pojam propaganda uglavnom se koristi u političkom kontekstu, a kada je riječ o propagandi u sklopu diktatorskih režima, kao što je bio Staljinizam, uz nju se veže vrlo pejorativna konotacija. U prvome dijelu rada ukratko je obrazložen povijesno-socijalni kontekst 40-ih godina 20. stoljeća, točnije ratnih i poratnih godina u vrijeme Sovjetske Rusije kao i život Josifa Viserionoviča Staljina te razvoja njegovog kulta ličnosti. Sovjetske Vlasti koristile su se svim postojećim medijskim sredstvima radi ostvarivanja svojih ideja, odnosno širenja neistinitih podataka. Novine, časopisi, filmovi, razni oblici umjetnosti tek su neki od medijskih izvora korištenih za propagiranje sovjetskih ideja. Ovaj rad usredotočen je na plakat kao jedan od glavnih sredstava nametanja svjetonazora radi učvršćivanja vlasti te lakšeg provođenja unutarnje i vanjske politike. Jedan od ciljeva rada analiza je sovjetskih plakata s lingvističkog aspekta, odnosno odgovoriti na pitanje kako je ruski jezik korišten u propagandne svrhe. Lingvističkom analizom plakata željelo se objasniti koje su jezične metode, sintagme, frazeološke jedinice i simboli korišteni s ciljem obmanjivanja mase. Također rad se bavi geslima i porukama koje prate plakate podijeljene s obzirom na njihovu tematiku u 5 kategorija: plakati ratne tematike, oni vezani uz radničku klasu, sportski plakati, oni vezani uz umjetnost tog doba te znanost i ...

The news about the war of expulsion against the Ottoman Empire was presented by a multi-central propaganda. A manuscript chronicle written in Ulm demonstrates the literacy of the broadsheets' readership. The writer, Eberhard Gockel (1636–1703), a physician from Ulm, wrote a diary on the most important occurrences and affairs of the Turkish war from 1678 to 1703. He attached to his chronicle broadsheets and engravings on the recaptured Hungarian fortresses and the great victories against the Turks. Gockel had good sense for high quality engravings, and he chose the works of publishing houses with excellent reputations, for example Jakob Koppmayer from Augsburg, Johann Jonathan Felsecker and Johann Hoffmann from Nürnberg and Michael Wening from München. As a citizen of Ulm, he respected the interests of the House of Habsburg, but he mainly focused on the role of the imperial and troops from the region of Swabia. His manuscript illustrated with engravings gives a detailed description of the Hungarian Kingdom's fight against the Turks. Gockel focuses on the news of the anti-Ottoman war of 1683–1688 and he recorded the victories against the Turks even after the French invasion of the Rhineland in 1688. Gockel was critical of the quantity of military news and tried to remain unbiased on political and religious questions. Gockels' chronicle proves that the readers of the broadsheets had all the tools to use the media of that time critically, and that sensibility and curiosity for the news of the world was a significant part of the identity of a citizen in a city like Ulm.

Diese Rubrik des Spiegels der Rechtsprechung setzt sich mit den im Berichtsjahr 2018 ergangenen Gerichtsentscheidungen zu Fragen der Chancengleichheit politischer Parteien in den Fällen auseinander, wenn ein Träger öffentlicher Gewalt den Parteien Einrichtungen zur Verfügung stellt oder andere öffentliche Leistungen gewährt (§ 5 PartG). Ausführlich besprochen wird die in einem Eilverfahren (zu Recht) getroffene, aber letztlich (zu Unrecht) ignorierte Entscheidung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts, wonach die Stadt Wetzlar ihre Stadthalle der Nationaldemokratischen Partei Deutschlands (NPD) für eine Wahlkampfveranstaltung überlassen musste. Daneben geht es um zahlreiche weitere Fälle der (Nicht-)Überlassung von Stadthallen oder sonstigen öffentlichen Veranstaltungsräumen an politische Parteien wie auch um die Einrichtung von Girokonten oder um die Wahlwerbung (Plakatieren von Wahlsichtwerbung) im öffentlichen Straßenraum.

The aim of this paper is to identify the elements of the political image of the world that the electoral actors in Serbia have been trying to develop through mass political communication from the re-establishment of the multiparty system to the present day. The author of the paper decided to accomplish the given goal by examining the application of basic psychological mechanisms of forming and maintaining the image of the world in crea-tion of electoral posters. The research was approached from the point of social psychology us-ing a constructivist approach. The basic method used in the research is a qualitative content analysis. The selection of posters was preceded by the determination of the so-called situation context factors -the socio-political circumstances in which the posters were created, which is related to the character of the basic method of research. Election campaigns, understood as the final stage in the long-term strategy of the propaganda performances of political ac-tors, were taken as the basic contextual framework for the interpretationof what the com-municator sought to say through the posters. The analysis of the posters used in the election campaigns run in 1997, 2000 and 2016 was carried out. The results of the analysis showed that, regarding the application of psychological mechanisms in creation of the "image of the world," the election poster in Serbia is complex. The conclusion is that the political "image of the world" of voters in Serbia created during the 1990s is similar to their current view of the political environment and that its basic characteristics are the identification with the state and pronounced stereotype of a strong leader. ; Osnovni cilj u radu je da se identifikuju elementi političke slike sveta koju su izborni akteri u Srbiji nastojali da razviju kod građana od ponovnog uspo-stavljanja višestranačja do danas posredstvom masovne političke komunikacije. Autor rada opredelio se da realizuje zadati cilj ispitujući primenu osnovnih mehanizama realizacije strategije formiranja i održavanja "slike sveta" u kreiranju izbornih plakata. Istraživanju se pristupilo iz ugla socijalne psihologije primenom konstruktivističkog pristupa. Osnovna metoda primenjena u istraživanju je kvalitativna analiza sadržaja. Izboru konkretnih analiziranih plakata prethodilo je utvrđivanje činilaca tzv. kontek-sta situacije-društveno-političkih okolnosti u kojima su plakati kreirani što je u vezi sa karakterom osnovne metode istraživanja. Za osnovni kontekstualni okvir u tumače-nju onoga što je komunikator nastojao da kaže posredstvom plakata, uzete su izborne kampanje shvaćene kao krajnja faza u dugoročnoj strategiji propagandnog nastupa političkih subjekata. Izvršena je analiza plakata korišćenih u izbornim kampanjama iz 1997, 2000. i 2016. godine. Rezultati analize pokazali su da je, u pogledu primene psiholoških mehanizama kreiranja slike sveta, izborni plakat u Srbiji kompleksan. Za-ključak je i da je politička "slika sveta" birača u Srbiji iz devedesetih godina prošloga veka slična njegovoj aktuelnoj predstavi o političkom okruženju i da su njena osnovna karakteristika identifikacija sa državnom zajednicom i izražen stereotip o jakom lideru.

Diese Rubrik des Spiegels der Rechtsprechung setzt sich mit den im Berichtsjahr 2017 ergangenen Gerichtsentscheidungen zu Fragen der Chancengleichheit politischer Parteien in den Fällen auseinander, wenn ein Träger öffentlicher Gewalt den Parteien Einrichtungen zur Verfügung stellt oder andere öffentliche Leistungen gewährt (§ 5 PartG). In Wahlkampfzeiten gerät dabei stets die Wahlwerbung politischer Parteien in den Fokus. Gegenstand der gerichtlichen Auseinandersetzung war häufig der Versuch, auf kommunaler Ebene ein als "übermäßig" empfundenes Plakatieren im Wahlkampf, also die Wahlsichtwerbung der Parteien, straßen- und/oder ordnungsrechtlich einzuschränken. Das Bestreben, etwa einer "Verschandelung der Stadt" oder auch einer "Reizüberflutung durch Überfrachtung des öffentlichen Raumes" entgegenzuwirken, gerät dabei in Konflikt mit der Notwendigkeit einer der Parteienfreiheit und dem Chancengleichheitsgrundsatz gerecht werdenden Verteilung der Plakatierungsflächen. In Zeiten des Wahlkampfes bietet insbesondere auch die chancengleiche Teilhabe an Sendungen in Hörfunk und Fernsehen oder auch an öffentlichen Podiumsdiskussionen Anlass für Gerichtsverfahren. Daneben sind die sog. "Stadthallenfälle", also der Zugang politischer Parteien zu öffentlichen Veranstaltungsräumen, seit eh und je Dauerbrenner unter den Rechtsstreitigkeiten. Dies gilt auch für die Geltendmachung eines Anspruchs auf Einrichtung eines Girokontos.

Estella Canziani's fairy painting, "Where the Little Things of the Woodland Live Unseen" (1914) was informed by her fascination with the landscape and folklore. This paper explores the relationship between the sociocultural and psychological condition of English society during WWI and the enthusiastic reception of reproductions of Canziani's painting. Her picture is analysed in relation to the revived popularity of J.M. Barrie's protagonist Peter Pan and the proliferation of recruitment propaganda that inundated the British public during WWI. Canziani's image located as a site across which viewers enacted self-interpretive, interrogative relationships between self/environment and reality/the imaginary is also positioned as key for a culture that fabricated a contemporary, mythologically based, omnipotent champion to personify English notions of the heroic soldier. In addition, the androgynous appearance of Canziani's piper disrupts socially constituted positions of gender difference in English society that, with the onset of WWI, challenged and distorted gendered boundaries. ; Vilinska slika britanske umjetnice "Where the Little Things of the Woodland Live Unseen" [Gdje malena šumska stvorenja žive neviđeno] iz 1914. godine nastala je pod utjecajem slikaričine fascinacije duhovnošću, folklorom i krajolikom. Ovaj rad istražuje veze između sociokulturnih i psiholoških preokupacija britanskoga društva za vrijeme Velikoga rata (1914. – 1918.) te entuzijastičnoga prijema navedene vilinske slike. Slika se analizira u kontekstu pojačane popularnosti Barriejeva junaka Petra Pana i vojne propagande (posebno novačenja) koja je preplavila britansku javnost tijekom Prvoga svjetskoga rata. Shvaćena kao prostor u kojem gledatelji mogu uprizoriti autointerpretativne, propitkivanju podložne poveznice između sebe i okoline, stvarnosti i mašte, vilinska slika Estelle Canziani shvaća se i kao ključ za razumijevanje kulture koja je stvorila suvremenoga svemoćnoga junaka, utemeljenoga u mitologiji, da bi utjelovio englesko poimanje junačkoga vojnika. Osim toga, androgina pojava frulaša na analiziranoj slici remeti društveno konstituirane rodne razlike u engleskom društvu, koje je, početkom Prvoga svjetskoga rata, dovelo u pitanje rodno određene granice. ; Der Ursprung des Feenbildes der britischen Künstlerin Estella Canziani "Where the Little Things of the Woodland Live Unseen" [Wo kleine Waldwesen unsichtbar leben] aus dem Jahre 1914 liegt in der Faszination der Autorin für die Folklore und das Landschaftsbild. Im Beitrag werden die Zusammenhänge zwischen den die britische Gesellschaft während des Ersten Weltkrieges prägenden soziokulturellen und psychologischen Voraussetzungen und der enthusiastischen Aufnahme des vorher genannten Bildes erforscht. Das Bild wird im Rahmen der wachsenden Popularität von Barries Peter-Pan-Gestalt und der immer größeren Profilierung der Militärpropaganda − insbesondere in Bezug auf die Rekrutierung von neuen Soldaten − analysiert, welche die britische Öffentlichkeit im Ersten Weltkrieg überschwemmt hat. Canzianis Feenbild kann nicht nur als Raum verstanden werden, worin dessen Betrachter selbstdeutende und hinterfragende Beziehungen zwischen sich selbst und der Umgebung sowie zwischen der Wirklichkeit und der Einbildungskraft, inszenieren konnten, sondern auch als Schlüssel für das Verständnis der Kultur, in welcher der zeitgenössische, in der Mythologie begründete allmächtige Held als Verkörperung des Heldenmuts des englischen Soldaten fungiert. Darüber hinaus hat die androgyne Erscheinung von Canzianis Pfeifer auf die sozial konstruierten Geschlechterunterschiede in der englischen Gesellschaft, die zu Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges diese Unterschiede in Frage stellte, eine zersetzende Wirkung ausgeübt.

Election campaigns occurred during the emergence of modern political parties at the end of the 18th century in the United States of America, or in the first half of the 19th century in Europe. They are defined as organized activities whose main characteristic is mass communication. Campaigns are divided into positive, negative and comparative. Positive campaigns tend to gain the confidence of voters by promoting positive characteristics of a political subject. Negative campaigns gain voters' confidence by attacking a rival party or a candidate, while comparative campaigns strive to gain confidence by comparing parties, candidates and political ideology with the competitive party. Political marketing is mostly used in periods prior to and during elections. Aim of each campaign is to gain political public's support, or in other words, to gain the planned number of votes. There are three goals of each campaign: raising voters' turnout in elections, publicizing qualities of a political subject and raising money, as well as recruiting campaign activists. Political subjects tend to influence voters with their programs, which depends on whether the political campaign will be successful or not. Political marketing in realization of its goals uses numerous techniques and resources. Most common methods that enable propaganda of political marketing are: promotional materials, posters, leaflets, newspapers, newsletters, press advertising, election videos, presentation materials, e-mails, banners, telemarketing. This paper presents the results of a research whose goal was to determine the use of e-marketing tools in electoral campaign by political parties and candidates on the election for Croatian Parliament in 2016. Research was conducted through two parallel courses: an e-mail questionnaire about political parties/participants in elections and a questionnaire/message on Facebook social network to all parties/participants in elections. The main research goal is to determine whether political subjects use e-marketing tools in electoral campaigns. From the scientific point of view, use of e-marketing tools in electoral campaign has not yet been explored. In that sense, this research contributes better understanding of use of e-marketing in political activities. Results can be used to improve e-marketing, as well as a frame for further research and successful political activity. ; Izborne kampanje se javljaju nastajanjem modernih političkih stranaka krajem 18. stoljeća u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, odnosno u prvoj polovici 19. stoljeća u Europi. Definiraju se kao organizirane aktivnosti čije je obilježje masovna komunikacija. Kampanje se mogu dijeliti na pozitivne, negativne i usporedne. Pozitivne kampanje povjerenje birača nastoje ostvariti promicanjem pozitivnih karakteristika političkog subjekta. Negativne kampanje povjerenje birača nastoje ostvariti napadima na suparničku stranku ili kandidata, dok usporedne kampanje pokušavaju dobiti povjerenje birača uspoređivanjem stranke, kandidata i političke ideologije s konkurentnom strankom. Politički marketing se najviše koristi u vremenu prije i za vrijeme izbora. Cilj svake kampanje je pridobiti potporu političke javnosti, odnosno dobiti planirani broj glasova. Postoje tri cilja svake kampanje: povećanje odaziva na izbore, objavljivanje kvaliteta političkog subjekta i prikupljanje novca, te regrutiranje aktivista kampanje. Politički subjekti svojim programom nastoje utjecati na birače, o kojima ovisi hoće li izborna kampanja biti uspješna ili ne. Politički marketing u realizaciji svojih ciljeva koristi brojne tehnike i sredstva. Najčešće metode preko kojih se odvija propaganda političkog marketinga su: promotivni materijali, plakati, letci, novine, newsletteri, oglašavanje u tisku, izborni spotovi, materijali za prezentaciju, e-mailovi, banneri, telemarketing… U ovom su radu prikazani rezultati istraživanja čiji je cilj bio utvrditi korištenje alata e-marketinga u izbornoj kampanji od strane političkih stranaka i kandidata na izborima za Hrvatski sabor 2016. godine. Istraživanje je provedeno kroz dva paralelna pravca: anketni upitnik e-mailom političkim strankama/sudionicima izbora i anketnim pitnikom/porukom na društvenoj mreži Facebook svim kandidatima/sudionicima izbora. Glavni istraživački cilj je utvrditi koriste li politički subjekti alate e-marketinga u izbornoj kampanji. Sa znanstvenog stajališta, korištenje e-marketinga u izbornoj kampanji nije istraženo područje. U tom smislu, ovo istraživanje doprinosi boljem razumijevanju primjene e-marketinga u političkom djelovanju. Rezultati mogu biti korišteni u svrhu unaprjeđenja e-marketinga, ali i poslužiti kao okvir za daljnja istraživanja i uspješno političko djelovanje.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAPriprema se novi Zakon o šumama, prema kojemu, nadamo se, neće biti opetovanog smanjivanja postotka naknade za općekorisne funkcije šuma. U vrijeme kada nam priroda daje kataklizmičke odgovore za našu nebrigu o njoj, a najveći svjetski zagađivači ne pristaju na njenu zaštitu, šumarskoj struci se već po običaju "sječe grana" na kojoj, ne samo šumari, nego svi sjedimo. Sve više čuju se i glasovi koji sugeriraju izdvajanje priobalnog područja iz dosadašnjeg načina upravljanja, no bez jasne kompenzacijske financijske podloge. Ne opamećuje nas niti rekordan broj požara i potreba saniranja šteta upravo na tome području.S motrišta Hrvatskoga šumarskog društva koje objedinjuje hrvatsku šumarsku znanost, obrazovanje i praksu, ponajprije sa žaljenjem zaključujemo da resorni ministar do danas nije našao vremena za razgovor s njegovim predstavnicima. Bilo to nekome drago ili ne, moramo reći da je to, uz ostalo, i pokazatelj kakav status ima šumarstvo unutar resornog ministarstva. Željno smo očekivali pozitivne promjene nakon gotovo petogodišnjeg zastranjivanja u vođenju šumarske struke i zanemarivanja pojedinih načela potrajnog gospodarenja šumskim resursima, o čemu smo argumentirano pisali. Svakako, Vlada RH između ostalog, mora odlučiti očekuje li i dalje od šumarstva klasičnu "dobit" za državni proračun, ili gospodarenje šumama po načelu potrajnog gospodarenja, gdje se dobit ne mjeri novčanicama, nego optimalnim pomlađivanjem, maksimalnim prirastom, poželjnom bioraznolikošću, prirodnošću i stabilnošću, što naposljetku osigurava očuvanje, a istovremeno i sve benefite šumskog ekosustava. Nismo primijetili ni promjene glede netržišnog gospodarenja, dapače neki i dalje zahtijevaju osiguranje dobave drvnim sortimentima zajamčenim ugovorima, a ne tržišnim nadmetanjem.Da li se nešto radi na proklamiranom restrukturiranju i decentralizaciji Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o., nije nam poznato. Svakako, vidimo da nema vidljivog utjecaja na tu temu nikakav poziv na raspravu, kao primjerice tekst bivšeg ministra Tarnaja, objavljen u Šumarskome listu 3-4/2017. Svakako promjene i građenje novog ustroja, trebalo bi krenuti od poprilično zanemarenih revira i revirnika, neposrednih i najodgovornijih čimbenika gospodarenja šumama, a ne od vrha, koji neprestano buja. Sve to zahtijeva širu stručnu i društvenu raspravu na državnoj razini, ponajprije neovisnih znalaca/stručnjaka, a ne predstavnika raznih interesnih skupina i nedovoljno educiranih političara. Te rasprave nema, bez obzira na činjenicu da se radi o gotovo polovici kopnene površine Hrvatske i šumi koja je prema Ustavu resurs od posebnog interesa za Republiku Hrvatsku. Problemi svakodnevno niču od stručnih – saniranja šteta od ledoloma u Gorskome kotaru, sušenja jasena, šteta od hrastove stjenice, potkornjaka, pošumljavanja opožarenih površina, privatnih šuma, šteta uzrokovanih klimatskim promjenama, do zapošljavanja mladih, kadroviranja pa i političkog nepotizma. Sve probleme u stanju smo uspješno riješiti, jer imamo stručnog i infrastrukturnog potencijala kao malo koja struka, ali uz eliminiranje kadrova koji su struku doveli u današnju situaciju, a koji su se očito unaprijed ugovorima dobro zaštitili. No, nažalost šumarstvo je struka gdje se pogreške u gospodarenju vide tek nakon više godina, kada je "kasno plakati", pa se mnogima čini da je trenutno sa šumarstvom sve u redu. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALPreparations are under way to formulate the new Forest Law, which will, hopefully, eliminate the continual decrease in the fee for non-market forest functions. At the time at which Nature responds with cataclysmic consequences to our indifference towards it and major global polluters refuse to protect it, the branch on which not only foresters but all of us are sitting is again being cut off. There are increased requests to exclude the coastal region from the current management policy, but at the same time no clear compensational financial bases are provided. Not even the record number of fires and the need to recover the damage in these very areas have brought us to our senses.From the aspect of the Croatian Forestry Association, which unifies the Croatian forestry science, education and practice, we can only ascertain with regret that the relevant minister has not yet found time to discuss these hot issues with its representatives. Whether we like it nor not, it should be said that this is, among other things, one more indicator of the status of forestry within the relevant ministry. We had eagerly awaited positive changes after an almost five-year period of a misguided attitude to the forestry profession and the negligence towards the principles of sustainable management of forest resources, which we have already discussed in our Journal. Definitely, the Croatian government should decide, among other things, whether it expects classical "profit" for the state budget from forestry or whether it supports forest management according to the principles of sustainable management. In the latter, profit is not measured by banknotes but by optimal regeneration, maximal increment, desirable biodiversity, naturalness and stability, all of which ensures the preservation of the forest ecosystem and of its multiple benefits. We have not seen any changes in the attitude towards non-market economy, either; on the contrary, some continue to demand the acquisition of wood assortments through guaranteed contracts rather than through market competition.We do not know if anything is being done regarding the proclaimed restructuring and decentralisation of the company Croatian Forests Ltd. What we do see is that no invitation to a debate on the subject has had any effect, such as the text of the former minister Tarnaj, published in Forestry Journal 1-4/2017. In order to develop a new system it is necessary to start from the relatively neglected forest districts and district rangers, the most direct and responsible factors in forest management, rather than at the top management, which is constantly expanding in numbers. This requires a broader professional and social debate at the state level with the participation of independent experts/professionals and not representatives of different interest groups and insufficiently educated politicians. However, such a debate is missing, even though this issue concerns almost half of the land area of Croatia and the forest which the Constitution describes as a resource of particular interest for the Republic of Croatia. There are problems on a daily basis, including the recovery of the damage from ice break in Gorski Kotar, ash dieback, damage from the oak lace bug, bark beetles, reforestation of burnt areas, private forests, damage caused by climate change, employment of the young, personnel policy and political nepotism. We are capable of solving all these problems successfully because we have professional and infrastructural potential that very few professions can boast, but we should primarily eliminate the cadres who have reduced the profession to a current unenviable situation and who have protected themselves with contracts well in advance. Unfortunately, forestry is a profession in which mistakes in the management come to light only after several years, when it is too late to "cry over spilt milk". This is the reason that many erroneously believe that forestry is currently in a good shape. Editorial Board