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Abstract
This article examines much of the violence of the past two decades in Iraq through the prism of performative politics. This draws attention to its spectacular nature, its repertoires and aesthetics, where blood becomes the common referent in a theatre of state power and resistance. Beyond the spectacle, however, violence is performative in that it possesses causal power. Violence has shaped the ways in which conflicts have been understood and organized, reproducing and reinforcing particular identities, institutions and attitudes in Iraq. Performative violence became a spectacle of horror and, through that horror a technology for the demarcation of whole categories of Iraqi citizen whose blood Islamic State and others licensed themselves to shed. Both nascent state forces and those resisting them, as well the foreign powers active in the Iraqi theatre, had every interest in making manifest their competence and their potential in the use of violence. Regardless of the identity of the parties involved, or the ends they were pursuing, violence has thus become a key technology of power. To perform it has been to assert the right to power in the political landscape of Iraq.

Since 2012, Mogadishu has been the site of both unprecedented optimism around the re-emergence of the Somali state, as well as persistent violence perpetrated by the Islamist militants of Harakat Al Shabaab Al Mujahidiin (Al Shabaab). In attacking hotels and restaurants, as well as other sites broadly associated with the state, Al Shabaab has prosecuted a strategy intended to foment the ungovernability of the city, undermine the nascent Federal Government of Somalia"s claims to authority, and denounce the alleged "foreign" capture of the re-emerging state. Based on discursive analysis of local political commentary, and fieldwork in Mogadishu, this article examines media contestation between a re-emerging state and an armed opposition in a context of prolonged political fragmentation. The article argues that not only does the highly decentralized and transnational modern media environment facilitate a dynamic and dialogic exchange of propaganda between the state and an armed opposition but, furthermore, the technological context of this discursive contestation has practical implications for the ways in which counter-terrorism and state reconstruction are undertaken by political and military actors on the ground.

This article discusses the communication strategies employed by 8 school shooters who used participatory media to frame their acts as well as their identity. By resorting to content analysis of 78 self-produced videos and 101 portraits, the
findings show how audiovisual communication can be used to trigger the performative aspects of cultural scripts of contemporary forms of expressive violence and thus institutionalize a social movement (i.e. school shooting subculture). These proceedings produce association to a subversive movement, providing a political connotation to the act and a renewed positive identity.

International audience ; This article discusses the communication strategies employed by 8 school shooters who used participatory media to frame their acts as well as their identity. By resorting to content analysis of 78 self-produced videos and 101 portraits, the findings show how audiovisual communication can be used to trigger the performative aspects of cultural scripts of contemporary forms of expressive violence and thus institutionalize a social movement (i.e. school shooting subculture). These proceedings produce association to a subversive movement, providing a political connotation to the act and a renewed positive identity. ; Cet article analyse les stratégies de communication développées par huit auteurs de fusillades scolaires qui ont utilisés les médias participatifs pour médiatiser leur projet meurtrier et leur identité. Basés sur 78 vidéos et 101 autoportraits photographiques, les résultats révèlent comment ces participations audiovisuelles peuvent être déployées en exploitant les ressorts performatifs du script culturel de ces formes de violence expressive. Les auteurs de fusillade révèlent l'existence d'un mouvement subversif des fusillades scolaires en y associant leur projet de passage à l'acte pour lui confèrer une portée politique et travailler positivement leur identité.

International audience ; This article discusses the communication strategies employed by 8 school shooters who used participatory media to frame their acts as well as their identity. By resorting to content analysis of 78 self-produced videos and 101 portraits, the findings show how audiovisual communication can be used to trigger the performative aspects of cultural scripts of contemporary forms of expressive violence and thus institutionalize a social movement (i.e. school shooting subculture). These proceedings produce association to a subversive movement, providing a political connotation to the act and a renewed positive identity. ; Cet article analyse les stratégies de communication développées par huit auteurs de fusillades scolaires qui ont utilisés les médias participatifs pour médiatiser leur projet meurtrier et leur identité. Basés sur 78 vidéos et 101 autoportraits photographiques, les résultats révèlent comment ces participations audiovisuelles peuvent être déployées en exploitant les ressorts performatifs du script culturel de ces formes de violence expressive. Les auteurs de fusillade révèlent l'existence d'un mouvement subversif des fusillades scolaires en y associant leur projet de passage à l'acte pour lui confèrer une portée politique et travailler positivement leur identité.

International audience ; This article discusses the communication strategies employed by 8 school shooters who used participatory media to frame their acts as well as their identity. By resorting to content analysis of 78 self-produced videos and 101 portraits, the findings show how audiovisual communication can be used to trigger the performative aspects of cultural scripts of contemporary forms of expressive violence and thus institutionalize a social movement (i.e. school shooting subculture). These proceedings produce association to a subversive movement, providing a political connotation to the act and a renewed positive identity. ; Cet article analyse les stratégies de communication développées par huit auteurs de fusillades scolaires qui ont utilisés les médias participatifs pour médiatiser leur projet meurtrier et leur identité. Basés sur 78 vidéos et 101 autoportraits photographiques, les résultats révèlent comment ces participations audiovisuelles peuvent être déployées en exploitant les ressorts performatifs du script culturel de ces formes de violence expressive. Les auteurs de fusillade révèlent l'existence d'un mouvement subversif des fusillades scolaires en y associant leur projet de passage à l'acte pour lui confèrer une portée politique et travailler positivement leur identité.

International audience ; This article discusses the communication strategies employed by 8 school shooters who used participatory media to frame their acts as well as their identity. By resorting to content analysis of 78 self-produced videos and 101 portraits, the findings show how audiovisual communication can be used to trigger the performative aspects of cultural scripts of contemporary forms of expressive violence and thus institutionalize a social movement (i.e. school shooting subculture). These proceedings produce association to a subversive movement, providing a political connotation to the act and a renewed positive identity. ; Cet article analyse les stratégies de communication développées par huit auteurs de fusillades scolaires qui ont utilisés les médias participatifs pour médiatiser leur projet meurtrier et leur identité. Basés sur 78 vidéos et 101 autoportraits photographiques, les résultats révèlent comment ces participations audiovisuelles peuvent être déployées en exploitant les ressorts performatifs du script culturel de ces formes de violence expressive. Les auteurs de fusillade révèlent l'existence d'un mouvement subversif des fusillades scolaires en y associant leur projet de passage à l'acte pour lui confèrer une portée politique et travailler positivement leur identité.

International audience ; This article discusses the communication strategies employed by 8 school shooters who used participatory media to frame their acts as well as their identity. By resorting to content analysis of 78 self-produced videos and 101 portraits, the findings show how audiovisual communication can be used to trigger the performative aspects of cultural scripts of contemporary forms of expressive violence and thus institutionalize a social movement (i.e. school shooting subculture). These proceedings produce association to a subversive movement, providing a political connotation to the act and a renewed positive identity. ; Cet article analyse les stratégies de communication développées par huit auteurs de fusillades scolaires qui ont utilisés les médias participatifs pour médiatiser leur projet meurtrier et leur identité. Basés sur 78 vidéos et 101 autoportraits photographiques, les résultats révèlent comment ces participations audiovisuelles peuvent être déployées en exploitant les ressorts performatifs du script culturel de ces formes de violence expressive. Les auteurs de fusillade révèlent l'existence d'un mouvement subversif des fusillades scolaires en y associant leur projet de passage à l'acte pour lui confèrer une portée politique et travailler positivement leur identité.

International audience This article discusses the communication strategies employed by 8 school shooters who used participatory media to frame their acts as well as their identity. By resorting to content analysis of 78 self-produced videos and 101 portraits, the findings show how audiovisual communication can be used to trigger the performative aspects of cultural scripts of contemporary forms of expressive violence and thus institutionalize a social movement (i.e. school shooting subculture). These proceedings produce association to a subversive movement, providing a political connotation to the act and a renewed positive identity. ; Cet article analyse les stratégies de communication développées par huit auteurs de fusillades scolaires qui ont utilisés les médias participatifs pour médiatiser leur projet meurtrier et leur identité. Basés sur 78 vidéos et 101 autoportraits photographiques, les résultats révèlent comment ces participations audiovisuelles peuvent être déployées en exploitant les ressorts performatifs du script culturel de ces formes de violence expressive. Les auteurs de fusillade révèlent l'existence d'un mouvement subversif des fusillades scolaires en y associant leur projet de passage à l'acte pour lui confèrer une portée politique et travailler positivement leur identité.

Intro -- Destruction in the Performative -- Foreword & Acknowledgements -- Table of Contents -- Introduction: Destruction in the Performative -- I. Language, Music, Noise -- Recognition and Disrespect: Lordship and Bondage in Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit -- Hegemonic Listening and Subversive Silences: Ethical-political Imperatives -- Two Saints and the Power of the Auditive -- Acoustic Violence in Contemporary German Theatre -- II. Embodiment, Identity, Ecstasy -- Asceticism Poses a Threat: The Enactment of Voluntary Hunger -- Salomania - Trans and Trans-temporal: A Queer Archaeology of Destructiveness -- Masochistic Self-shattering between Destructiveness and Productivity -- III. Things, Spaces, Networks -- Triggering Latency Zones in Modern Society: Richard Serra's Sculptures within the Urban Setting -- Creative Destructions: Gabriel Tarde's Concept of a Passionate Economy -- Code Decay: Organizational Performance and Destructivity -- List of Contributors.

AbstractThis article considers a neglected question in International Relations, namely how violence of war contributes to the constitution of the political community at the intersection between war and peace. It exposes limitations of means-ends, instrumental understanding of war violence due to the overlooking of violence's performative attributes stemming from the centrality of bodily injuries in war. The instrumental violence on which the constitution of the political community is grounded finds expression in an order of representation that can be termed ontopology, and a pervasive – circular – relationship between ontopology and violence insofar as ontopology has inspired extreme forms of human behaviour and also been used to justify violence as a means to enact an ontopological goal. Yet, recognising the role of bodily injuries in the course of fighting allows for a more complete understanding of war. Crucially it enables an interpretation of the structure of war as a relation between war's interior content – casualties in war – and the exterior, verbal issues standing outside it (pertaining to security, identity, sovereignty, authority, ideology), that lead to a surrogate contest of reimagining political community in the process of which performative power of violence contributes directly to the emerging post-war peace and laws that justify it.