Suchergebnisse

Explores the social impacts of individuals' nationalist feelings, particularly in light of the world's growing internationalism. Historical & contemporary examples of nationalism & factors contributing to it are cited, comparing it to patriotism & citizenship. Nationalist conflicts are reviewed, describing how differences in minority & majority groups in terms of color (race) & language can lead to exploitation, particularly economically. It is argued that, with increased border crossing, nationalism may ebb, but nationalities will remain. K. Hyatt Stewart

Explores the social impacts of individuals' nationalist feelings, particularly in light of the world's growing internationalism. Historical & contemporary examples of nationalism & factors contributing to it are cited, comparing it to patriotism & citizenship. Nationalist conflicts are reviewed, describing how differences in minority & majority groups in terms of color (race) & language can lead to exploitation, particularly economically. It is argued that, with increased border crossing, nationalism may ebb, but nationalities will remain. K. Hyatt Stewart

When the German constitutional court expressed itself in the Lisbon ruling, on the 30th of June 2009, the famous German newspaper Der Bild published the corrosive headline "the end of federalism". The aim of this paper is to present and discuss the arguments of the Court concerning (1) the nature of the EU as a confederation (Staatenverbund), (2) the illegitimacy of further development towards a federal state (Staatsverband) and (3) the determination of the EU's 'core competences', in order to shed light on why, within the EU, the relationship between federalism and democracy appears to be so tense. The point is that the claim that the EU cannot legitimately become a federation without calling for the constituent power of the German people (§228) is grounded in a circular logic that ultimately depends on the definition of citizenry adopted. Two connected issues will thus be deepened. On one hand, we look at the problem of jurisdictional competence attribution, the 'ultra vires' and 'domaine réservé' doctrines. In particular, the adoption of criteria for determining the state's core competences on the basis of the principle of essentiality (Wesentlichkeitstheorie) will be assessed. On the other hand, the focus is on the theory of democracy that the German constitutional court embraces, according to which 'the democratic legitimacy derives from the interconnection between the action of European governmental entities and the parliaments of the Member states'.

This book challenges mainstream arguments about the de-ethnicization of citizenship in Europe, offering a critical discussion of normative justifications for ethno-cultural citizenship and an original elaboration of principles of membership suitable for contemporary liberal democratic states.

Defence date: 13 December 2012 ; Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck (European University Institute); Professor Ruth Rubio Marín (European University Institute); Professor Joseph Carens (University of Toronto); Professor David Owen (University of Southampton). ; In this thesis, I analyse justifications for preferential admission to citizenship based upon ethno-cultural grounds. My point of departure is the puzzling observation that, in matters of membership, states not only differentiate between citizens and foreigners, but also between different categories of foreigners, as well as between different categories of citizens. In the first part of this work, I explore possible justifications for boundaries of membership. I look into arguments of justice, nationalism, liberalism and democracy in order to identify principles for demarcating boundaries and for assessing various claims of inclusion/exclusion. In the second part, I address more specific questions related to the regulation of admission to citizenship. For this purpose, I examine a set of concrete rules of citizenship presently enforced by 27 EU countries. My proposal is to overcome the boundary problem by shifting the focus from the constitution of the boundary towards policies of boundary making. I affirm the principle of general openness of membership that is intended to provide normative corrections to the actual structure of boundaries. Against the common view that perceives citizenship as a fruit that is soft on the inside and hard on the outside, I argue that citizenship should be seen as soft on the inside and even softer on the outside. In order to respond to different claims of admission, I suggest breaking up the unitary concept of citizenship and distinguishing between legal, political, and identity memberships. This proposal is not meant to weaken or devaluate citizenship, but to reaffirm its essentially political value. By rejecting ideas of automatic and inherited citizenship and by insisting upon democratic recognition and commitment to political membership, I aim at recasting admission to citizenship as a transformative process through which individuals not merely receive membership but become members in a political community.

Examines institutional legitimacy as linked to democratic performance and economic success.