Suchergebnisse

Today, in sociological discourse, there is a consensus regarding the formation of a consolidated national identity in Ukrainian society, in which the civil and ethnic elements are indivisible. Studies of changes in national-civil identities in the context of a hybrid and full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war record an increase in the number of those who self-identify as citizens of Ukraine. However, it is unclear how these changes occurred and what happens to those who previously had such an identity. The purpose of this article is to document changes in national-civic self-identification under the influence of war at the personal level. Fragments of 38 in-depth interviews conducted in March-April and September-October 2023 with forced migrants were used as empirical material. Some of the informants continued to remain abroad at the time of the survey, while others returned home. From the narratives about how the war changed their lives, a number of episodes were identified that described the changes that occurred in the awareness and experience of national-civic identity. Changes were recorded in the components of social identification as: self-categorization; evaluation; importance; attachment and sense of interdependence; social embeddedness ; behavioral involvement. During the analysis, the following trends were identified: 1 — a change in the place of national-civic identity among other group affiliations, its transition to the place of the dominant self-identification; 2 — strengthening a positive attitude towards national-civic identity both from within, at the personal level, and from the outside, on the part of other national communities; 3 — strengthening the importance of national-civil self-identification due to its awareness, transformation of hidden importance into explicit one; 4 — increased emotional attachment due to an increased feeling that the fate of the group and personal fate are inseparable; unifying own sense of "I" with the group "We"; 5 — strengthening social inclusion against the backdrop of a general increase in interpersonal support; 6 — growth of behavioral practices (linguistic, cultural, volunteer) aimed at strengthening national-civic identity.

Based on the results of a sociological survey carried out among Daghestani youth, the article establishes the relationship between the aspects of religious and national (civic) identity in the light of the respondents being citizens of Russia.

Macro-social identities reflect the strength of social attachments (strong vs weak) and the objects-referents of such attachments (society vs nation). Three types of macro-social identities-civic, (ethno-) national and denizen-are distinguished and operationalised in Australia using national survey data (1995 ISSP). The largest proportion (38 per cent) of Australians embrace civic identity, an identity type most widespread among 'baby boomers', the tertiary educated and secular. Those who embrace the national identity form a sizeable minority (30 per cent), and are predominantly older, less educated and religious. Denizen identity characterises a small minority (6 per cent) of Australians who feel weakly attached to the country. The key issues dividing the adherents to civic and national identities are immigration and its socioeconomic consequences. Ethno-nationalists embrace neo-conservative rather than extremist attitudes, although their numbers may be declining in the wake of generational replacement, the education revolution and progressive secularisation.

A typology of macro‐social identities is suggested based on the strength of social attachments (strong vs. weak) and the nature of the objects‐referents of such attachments (society vs. nation), It yields three types of identity: civic, ethno‐national, and denizen. This typology is then operationalized using national survey data (1995 ISSP). The analysis reveals two modal forms of identity in Australia (the denizen identity appears to be very rare). The largest proportion (38%) of Australians embrace civic identity, and this identity is most widespread among 'baby boomers', tertiary educated, and the secular. Ethno‐nationalists form a sizable minority (30%), and they are predominantly older, less educated and religious people. The key issue dividing the adherents to civic and ethno‐national identity is immigration and its socioeconomic consequences. The proportion of ethno‐nationalists is likely to shrink in the process of generational replacement, educational revolution and progressive secularization.

The article analyzes the process of formation of national civic identity of the Russian youth in the early twenty-first century, taking place in the context of ongoing global socio-cultural transformations. Most significance the above mentioned problem acquired in the context of sustainable patterns of civic political culture of the young generation, which would be based on Russian historical traditions and at the same time could contribute to political modernization of Russia in the early twenty-first century. Particular emphasis is on the development of the political culture of the Russian Internet, the emergence of "virtual" (network) socio-political identities, which have highly dynamic, amorphous, situational character. It is stated that such transnational identities developed by Internet communications, generate not only "alternative" political reality, but also play the role of sociocultural and symbolic "competitors" for the national model of civil identity of the Russian youth. In these conditions urgent task is to use the Internet communications for promotion of positive (patriotism, political activism, responsibility fortheir own political choices) civic political values and socially acceptable conventional models of political behavior in a heterogeneous socio-cultural environment of young Runet users. ; В статье анализируются процессы формирования национально-гражданской идентичности российской молодежи в начале ХХI столетия, происходящие в условиях глобальных социокультурных трансформаций современности. Большую значимость указанная выше проблема приобрела в контексте формирования устойчивых моделей гражданской политической культуры молодого поколения, которые опирались бы на российские исторические традиции и вместе с тем могли бы содействовать политической модернизации России в начале ХХI столетия. Особый акцент сделан на развитие политической культуры Рунета, становление "виртуальных" (сетевых) социально- политических идентичностей, которые отличаются высокой динамичностью, аморфностью, ситуационным характером. Указывается, что такие транснациональные идентичности, развивающиеся посредством интернет-коммуникаций, генерируют не только "альтернативную" политическую реальность, но и выступают в роли социокультурных и символических "конкурентов" национальногражданской модели идентичности российской молодежи. В этих условиях важнейшая задача – использование интернет-коммуникаций для продвижения позитивных (патриотизм, политический активизм, ответственность за собственный политический выбор) гражданских политических ценностей и социально приемлемых конвенциональных моделей политического поведения в неоднородной социокультурной среде молодых пользователей Рунета.

The relationship between religion and national identity is a contested topic in public debates about cultural diversity and immigration. In sample surveys only a minority the British population identify themselves as belonging to a Christian religion, and far fewer practise their faith. Nevertheless, nearly a quarter of the population think it is important to be Christian to be truly British. This study explores the complex relationships between religious and national identities in Britain, using data from the 2008 British Social Attitudes Survey. Three different forms of national identity were identified through factor analysis: civic-symbolic, cultural-aesthetic and ethnic national identity. Ethnic national identity is the only dimension of national identity that is positively associated with thinking it is important to be Christian to be British. While churchgoing Christians are more likely to feel national in response to secular cultural symbols, they are less likely to associate religion with nationality than those with a nominal Christian affiliation. The results indicate that Christianity has cultural significance for national identity primarily as a proxy for ethnic identity.

This paper assesses the influence of Latino participation in community-based organizations on the likelihood of participation in community politics, on attachments to the United States and their countries of origin, and on their ethnic identity. The results provide two insights. Organizational activity spurs civic engagement. The skills, networks, and information provided through this group-focused community activity vest Latinos with the resources they need to take on more individualist forms of politics. The second finding is that the influence of organizational activities does not shape attitudes. While organizations undeniably offer contacts with other individuals and networks, these resources do not drive attitudes toward either the United States or a pan-ethnic identity. The paper relies on data from a survey of "emerging" Latino populations, Latinos who trace their origin or ancestry to El Salvador, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, or Colombia.

"Traces the unfolding of Japan's postwar Asia problem through various phases of deimperialization from 1945 until the early twenty-first century. It focuses on the thought and activism of progressive activists and intellectuals as they struggled to overcome rigid preconceptions about 'Asia,' as they grappled with the implications of postimperial responsibility, and as they forged new regional solidarities and Asian imaginaries"--