Mexican public opinion and foreign policy
In: Documento de trabajo
In: División de Estudios Internacionales 120
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In: Documento de trabajo
In: División de Estudios Internacionales 120
In: International journal / Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Band 61, Heft 3, S. 648-660
ISSN: 2052-465X
In: International journal / Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Band 61, Heft 3, S. 648-660
ISSN: 0020-7020
World Affairs Online
In: International Journal, Band 61, Heft 3, S. 648
In: Foreign affairs: an American quarterly review, Band 84, Heft 5, S. 180
ISSN: 2327-7793
In: Global views, 2004
World Affairs Online
In: International journal / Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Band 61, Heft 3, S. 648-660
ISSN: 0020-7020
In: http://cide.repositorioinstitucional.mx/jspui/handle/1011/248
This working paper explores the role of public opinion in shaping and constraining the foreign policy decision adopted by the Mexican government in the eve of the US led invasion to Iraq on March, 2003. The Mexican position in this case was particularly relevant given that the country was occupying a non-permanent position in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the American pressure on Mexico was considerable. The working paper is divided in four sections. In the first section, we review the literature relevant to understand the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy. In the second, we briefly summarize the main features of the US-Mexican relationship and describe in a detailed manner the situation that prevailed between both countries in the eve of the US led invasion to Iraq. In the third, we explore the role of public opinion in shaping and constraining the foreign policy that the Fox's government chose to adopt. In the final section, we underline the main findings of the working paper. ; Este documento de trabajo explora el impacto de la opinión pública en la posición internacional adoptada por el gobierno mexicano durante la invasión de Estados Unidos a Iraq en marzo de 2003. La posición mexicana en este caso fue particularmente relevante, dado que el país ocupaba uno de los asientos no permanentes en el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas (CSNU) y la presión estadounidense sobre México fue considerable. El documento de trabajo se divide en cuatro secciones principales. En la primera sección, se revisa la literatura relevante para entender la relación entre la opinión pública y la política exterior. En la segunda, se resumen brevemente las principales características de la relación México-Estados Unidos y se describe de manera detallada la situación que prevalecía entre ambos países en ese periodo. En la tercera se analiza el impacto de la opinión pública en el posicionamiento que el gobierno de Fox optó por adoptar frente a la invasión de Iraq. En la última sección, se desarrollarán las principales conclusiones del documento de trabajo.
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In: Latin American monographs 25
In: CMAS publications
In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc2.ark:/13960/t3ws8q283
The majority of the opinions are those of the Supreme Court. ; Cases originating in the contract for military supplies made by General Mina in 1816 and 1817 with the Baltimore Mexican Company. ; Interleaved. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: Journalism quarterly: JQ ; devoted to research in journalism and mass communication, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 299-306
ISSN: 0196-3031, 0022-5533
In: Aztlán: international journal of Chicano studies research, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 33-74
A historical analysis of academic and popular ideas about Mexican immigrants and their children by members of the Mexican intelligentsia reveals a changing understanding of the meaning of immigration and ethnicity. Starting with a widespread view of Mexican immigrants to the United States as "cultural traitors", Mexican public opinion about this group gradually changed due to both the political evolution of Mexican intellectuals and the growing economic and political power of Latinos in the United States. The Mexican government has increasingly come to see Chicano political leaders as important to Mexico's relationship with the United States, while Mexican intellectuals increasingly regard Chicano academics as their allies in a struggle against North American hegemony.
In opposition to Mexico City's legalization of first-trimester abortion, 17 Mexican states (53 percent) have introduced initiatives or reforms to ban abortion entirely, and other states have similar legislation pending. We conducted an opinion survey in eight states—four where constitutional amendments have already been approved and four with pending amendments. Using logistic regression analyses, we found that higher education, political party affiliation, and awareness of reforms/initiatives were significantly associated with support for the Mexico City law. Legal abortion was supported by a large proportion of respondents in cases of rape (45-70 percent), risk to a woman's life (55–71 percent), and risk to a woman's health (48–68 percent). A larger percentage of respondents favored the Mexico City law, which limits elective legal abortion to the first 12 weeks of gestation (32–54 percent), than elective abortion without regard to gestational limit (14–31 percent).
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