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Altres ajuts: PTDC/ GES-URB/28826/2017 ; Altres ajuts: PTDC/GES-URB/28853/2017 ; In Southern Europe, the exceptionally high rates of young adults living with their parents might indicate that co-residence is more frequent even among those more likely to live independently. In this study we analyse living in the parental home as a decision of young working adults in four southern European countries in comparison with France, Germany and the United Kingdom. We use the 2012 European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions microdata to estimate the probability of living in the parental home for young working adults aged 18-34. Our core finding is that living with parents is a common decision in southern European countries, whereas in France, Germany and the United Kingdom young working adults opt essentially between ownership and tenancy. The results challenge us to rethink young adults' paths to independent living and the role of public policies in their endeavours.

In Southern Europe, the exceptionally high rates of young adults living with their parents might indicate that co-residence is more frequent even among those more likely to live independently. In this study we analyse living in the parental home as a decision of young working adults in four southern European countries in comparison with France, Germany and the United Kingdom. We use the 2012 European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions microdata to estimate the probability of living in the parental home for young working adults aged 18-34. Our core finding is that living with parents is a common decision in southern European countries, whereas in France, Germany and the United Kingdom young working adults opt essentially between ownership and tenancy. The results challenge us to rethink young adults' paths to independent living and the role of public policies in their endeavours.

In Southern Europe, the exceptionally high rates of young adults living with their parents might indicate that co-residence is more frequent even among those more likely to live independently. In this study we analyse living in the parental home as a decision of young working adults in four southern European countries in comparison with France, Germany and the United Kingdom. We use the 2012 European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions microdata to estimate the probability of living in the parental home for young working adults aged 18-34. Our core finding is that living with parents is a common decision in southern European countries, whereas in France, Germany and the United Kingdom young working adults opt essentially between ownership and tenancy. The results challenge us to rethink young adults' paths to independent living and the role of public policies in their endeavours. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The article discusses the mundane politics of familial life from children's perspectives and portrays the home as a relational space of subject formation and a context of everyday politics. The approach is based on an Arendt-inspired understanding of politics and a topological conception of spatiality that appreciates the intensity, frequency, and significance of social relations as being constitutive of political life. The article views the home as spatially finite yet open-ended in scale, resting upon and shifting by intersubjectively established and subjectively experienced spatial attachments. It therefore appears as a multifaceted context of development and practice that consists of people, places, ideas and things near and far, of kith and kin. The empirical analysis, based on an ethnographic research project, explores the plurality of children's familial spatial attachments, the particularity of their familial subjectivities, and their active and developing political agencies in the "topological home."

SUMMARY. Millions of children across the world live away from home; many because of wars, famines, dictatorships and poverty. Children live away from home in Britain because of family breakdown, neglect, abuse and other disadvantages, but also through parental choice and educational need. There is inadequate information about numbers, reasons and outcomes. Three main alternatives to living at home in Britain are boarding schools, residential homes and foster care. Traditional barriers between education and welfare and policies of care placements based on inadequate data have resulted in damaging gaps in services and poor placement decisions for many children living away from home. The early 1990s have brought about a national consensus based on new legislation and a group of Inquiries which provides the opportunity for major changes and improvements in services. International deliberations and action could and should be part of these changes.

Leaving the parental home for the first time is one of the most significant migration decisions in the life course, but relatively little is known about such events in the past. This article uses high-quality longitudinal data on the lifetime residential history of individuals to investigate changes in the age at leaving home both over time and between different groups of the population. The age at which men and women left the parental home fell from the late eighteenth century to the twentieth century, with women usually leaving home earlier than men before the twentieth century. Men were most likely to leave home for employment and women for marriage, and the number of men and women leaving home alone increased over time. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, it was quite common for the first move from the parental home to occur with a spouse and children after a period of coresidence with parents. The article sheds new light on an important life course transition and raises questions about the meaning of leaving home.

Entscheidungskriterien und Entscheidungsprozeß im Elternhaus für den
Übergang der Kinder auf das Gymnasium oder die Realschule.

Themen: Gründe für die Nichtanmeldung des Kindes für eine
weiterführende Schule nach der 4. Klasse; Gründe für oder gegen die
getroffene Schulwahl; Festigkeit des Entschlusses und Zeitpunkt der
Entscheidung; Lehrer als Ratgeber bei der Entscheidung; Beurteilung der
schulischen Leistungen des Kindes; Schulnoten am Ende der vierten
Klasse; Kontakte zu den Lehrern; Teilnahme an Elternabenden und
Gespräche mit anderen Schüler-Eltern; Beurteilung von Lehrer und Schule
vor dem Übergang; Image der Schultypen; gesellschaftliche Kontakte und
Bezugsgruppen; Reaktionen der Umgebung auf den Übergang auf einen
anderen Schultyp; Einschätzung der Lernfreude bzw. Schulschwierigkeiten
des Kindes; Kontrolle der Hausaufgaben; Nachhilfestunden; Teilnahme an
Begabungstest und Ergebnis; Erziehungsziele der Schule und der Eltern;
Sanktionsverhalten bei schlechten Schulleistungen; Sozialisation durch
Schule und Elternhaus; Ausbildungsziele und Berufspläne; finanzielle
Aspekte der Ausbildung; Fernsehkonsum des Kindes; Interessenschwerpunkte
und wichtigste Probleme der Eltern; allgemeine Lebenszufriedenheit;
allgemeines Gesellschaftsbild; Fortschrittsgläubigkeit; Zufriedenheit
mit der eigenen Schulausbildung und Einschätzung der Wichtigkeit der
Schulausbildung für die berufliche Karriere; Umgang mit anderen Personen
bei Statusdifferenz; Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten; Einschätzung der eigenen
Arbeitsplatzsicherheit.

Demographie: Lesen von Zeitungen, Zeitschriften und Büchern; eigene
Schul- und Berufsausbildung; Berufstätigkeit; Anzahl, Alter, Ausbildung
aller Geschwister des Kindes; soziale Herkunft; Parteipräferenz
(Sonntagsfrage); Alter (klassiert); Geschlecht; Familienstand; Stellung
in der Geschwisterreihe; Konfession; Religiosität; Beruf; berufliche
Position; Berufstätigkeit; Einkommen; Haushaltsgröße; Wirtschaftsraum;
Flüchtlingsstatus; Besitz langlebiger Wirtschaftsgüter; Mediennutzung.

Interviewerrating: Allgemeine Beurteilung des Befragten;
Einschätzung der Schichtzugehörigkeit des Befragten,
gesprochener Dialekt; Interviewdauer; Wochentag des Interviews.