Suchergebnisse

National language policy which is implemented from the top is perceived as official legislation designed to influence people's linguistic lives. In the Castilian-dominated Galician linguistic landscape, this paper examines the impact of last thirty years' top-down language policies on the "linguistic culture" (Schiffman 1996) of the Galicians and analyses the role of grassroots level actors or agents who play a significant role in interpreting and implementing language policy on the ground. Linguistic culture, as Schiffman (2006: 112) describes it, is the "sum totality of ideas, values, beliefs, attitudes, prejudices, myths, religious strictures, and all the other cultural 'baggage' that speakers bring to their dealings with language from their culture". This will inevitably lead us to an examination of the essential macro level linguistic and non-linguistic variables such as socio-political, socio-economic, socio-cultural, sociolinguistic factors present in the Galician society influencing the ideological construct and revitalisation practices of the community. Concurrently, this article offers a brief overview of the sociolinguistic history of Galician, as a means of contextualising existing debates related to language policies since the outset of the Galician Autonomy. It starts with a discussion on the significance of the 1983 Linguistic Normalisation Act, the immediate effects it had on Galician and on its public visibility which will be further related to the various understandings of notions such as linguistic normalisation and societal bilingualism which have been an integral part of LPP discourse over the course of last three decades. To conclude, the chapter will also offer a critical account of the recent developments in grassroots level Galician language activism such as the creation of Galician medium pre-primary immersion schools through co-operative mobilisations and crowd-sourcing; these schools came about as a reaction to the contemporary state-imposed language policies from the present centre-right wing government (2009-present).

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- List of contributors -- Series Editor's preface -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Map -- 1 Multilingual Singapore: Language policies, challenges, and responses -- 2 The fetishization of official languages -- 3 Singapore English, language mixing, and vernacular speech -- 4 Spoken Tamil in Singapore -- 5 The other mother tongues of Singaporean Indians -- 6 The changing status of Malayalam in Singapore -- 7 Singapore's other Austronesian languages -- 8 Baba Malay -- 9 Pronouncing the Malay identity: Sebutan Johor-Riau and Sebutan Baku -- 10 The curious case of Mandarin Chinese in Singapore -- 11 Chinese dialects in Singapore: Context and situation -- 12 Unpacking 'multilingualism': Filipinos in Singapore -- 13 Coda: Towards a liquid-multilingual Singapore? An outsider's view -- Index.

Receptive multilingualism refers to the language constellation in which interlocutors use their respective mother tongue while speaking to each other. Since the mid-nineties receptive multilingualism is promoted by the European commission on par with other possibilities of increasing the mobility of the European citizens. Throughout the last ten years a marked increase in the research on this topic has been observable. This volume reveals new perspectives from different theoretical frameworks on linguistic analyses of receptive multilingualism in Europe. Case studies are presented from contemporary settings, along with analyses of historical examples, theoretical considerations and, finally, descriptions of didactical concepts established in order to transfer and disseminate receptive multilingual competence. The book contains results from research carried out at the Research Center on Multilingualism at the University of Hamburg as well as contributions by various international scholars working in the field of receptive multilingualism.

Abstract
This paper analyzes English-Medium-Instruction (EMI) lecturers' ambivalent orientations towards neoliberal language
policies and linguistic entrepreneurship. The data includes interviews with six case-study lecturers' biographic narratives, audiologs and
video/audio-recorded observations, collected in a market-oriented Catalan university. I show that lecturers problematize Englishization
policies but operationalize them by presenting themselves as leading actors in the deployment of EMI. Following "managerialism" logics, they
envision English as an economically-convertible "career skill", imperative to meet new employability/workplace demands. They carve
advantaged professional ethos linked to their self-attained English-language resources. They devalue their "non-native" accent but present
themselves as content and English-language lecturers, distinguishing themselves from "ordinary" colleagues who teach in
local languages, in narratives of "competitiveness" whereby they naturalize a socioeconomically-stratifying system of meritocracy/revenue
grounded on the marketization of English. This contributes to understand neoliberal-governance regimes which impose language-based
mechanisms for lecturers' profiling based on views of education as the corporatized "making" of productive workers-to-be.

AbstractThis article discusses a case of language competition between two minority languages, Votic and Ingrian. We analyze the sociolinguistic situation in the contact area, and the contact-induced linguistic changes in both languages. Although the two languages had a very similar fate, and the same premises for language competition, Ingrian appears to have been more socially prestigious and was for a long period of time gradually replacing Votic. It is shown that the two languages chose different strategies for interaction. The Ingrians preserved their strong identity but transformed their language significantly, and thus achieved an easier understanding with their neighbors. On the other hand, the Votes were unwilling to adapt their language to contact influence, but shifted easily to their neighbors' identity. We suggest distinguishing between two types of volatility: social volatility, which describes the willingness of a nation to shift to a new language and identity; and linguistic volatility, which denotes the readiness of speakers to adopt innovations from a neighboring language. In minority vs. minority competition, the two types of volatility often demonstrate inverse tendencies: high volatility on the linguistic level corresponds to low volatility on the social level, and vice versa.

The paper will adopt the position that language is an intrinsic and largely non‑negotiable part of individual culture and identity. The recognition of one's own language receives more and more support in international political and institutional frameworks. The promotion of linguistic diversity is the official policy of the European Union. Due to such policies, it is to be expected that languages will remain in contact in the context of all sorts of levels of governance. In order to manage linguistic diversity in multilingual and multicultural areas, the introduction of a global regime of language policies is unavoidable. These policies will need to satisfy transnational requirements and conditions, like universal human rights and the norms and standards of Europeanization set by the EU, OSCE, Council of Europe, and so on. However, because there are manifold connections between language and power, as we know from the work of political scientists such as Pierre Bourdieu, and sociolinguists such as Peter Nelde, that a language element is always a part of intergroup conflict. Hence, it is to be expected that language policies will be subject to power conflicts and hegemonic strives. In order to support my claim, I will analyze the language policies of states with Hungarian language minorities in Central Europe, particularly Romania, Slovakia, Serbia (Vojvodina), and Ukraine (Trans‑Carpathia). The policies can be studied in terms of concrete variables, like individual/collective rights, territorial rearrangements, thresholds, the Language Charter, multilingual education, the linguistic landscape, and so on. The range in which these variables are instantiated is determined by local politics; hence, it is a case of the politics of language policy.

This paper addresses the paucity of research on women's language use in regional Japan by investigating Iwate Dialect (ID) and Japanese Women's Language (JWL) in face-to-face interactions among women in northeastern Japan. By bringing a consideration of region to bear on investigations of women's language use in Japan, the aim is to contribute to work that breaks down essentialist categories of "the way Japanese women speak" to a more fruitful focus on the range of resources women employ in situated interactions. Analysis is based on ethnographic data and a close analysis of interactions, and focuses on speakers' use of ID and JWL as devices for negotiating roles. Findings show ID is used by speakers in hesitating to take on a high-status role, and to mitigate direct challenges to claims made by other participants. JWL features are used when reiterating a point or disclaiming a role.

INTERACT - Researching Third Country Nationals' Integration as a Three-way Process - Immigrants, Countries of Emigration and Countries of Immigration as Actors of Integration ; The fulltext pdfs are available upon request to migration@EUI.eu during the embargo period (until 6 October 2019) ; The purpose of this article is to focus on the actions and players from the countries of emigration which support or do not support the maintenance of native languages of migrants in Europe. For this, links need to be discovered which exist between European languages and languages of origin. Firstly, all languages are not important. A social hierarchy exists which depends on the context of elocution. Multilingualism was gradually developed during the 20th century but all bilingualisms are not considered as a resource. Bilingualism related to immigration is often synonymous with handicap and deficit of integration which justifies a certain essentialisation of the language. However, language learning depends partly on its social value in the host country and the country of origin. This social recognition rests for example on the fact that it concerns an oral or written language; a religious language, an international language, etc. This article thus aims at understanding the European and national language policies set up to support the mobility of individuals and their entry into new territories. ; INTERACT is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union.

Partial support for this research topic comes from the research project A Cross-Linguistic Investigation of Acceptability Judgment Variation awarded to KG, which is funded through the University of Cyprus by the A.G. Leventis Foundation. EL acknowledges funding support from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 746652. ; Editorial on the Research Topic Developmental, Modal, and Pathological Variation—Linguistic and Cognitive Profiles for Speakers of Linguistically Proximal Languages and Varieties One significant area of research in the multifaceted field of bilingualism over the past two decades, spanning among many others from Green (1998) to Chung-Fat-Yim et al. (2016), has been the demonstration, validation, and account of the so-called "bilingual advantage." This refers to the hypothesis that bilingual speakers have advanced abilities in executive functions (EF) and other domains of human cognition. Such cognitive benefits of bilingualism have an impact on the processing mechanisms active during language acquisition in a way that results in language variation. Within bilingual populations, the notion of language proximity (or linguistic distance) is also of key importance for deriving variation. In addition, sociolinguistic factors can invest the process of language development and its outcome with an additional layer of complexity, such as schooling, language, dominance, competing motivations, or the emergence of mesolectal varieties, which blur the boundaries of grammatical variants. This is particular relevant for diglossic speech communities-bilectal, bidialectal, or bivarietal speakers.