Suchergebnisse

Can states afford to protect human rights when facing a terrorist threat? Contemporary academic literature suggests that the answer to this question is no, concluding that states that afford their citizens basic political rights and civil liberties leave themselves more exposed to terrorist attacks (Piazza 2008; Wade and Reiter 2007; Pape 2003; Eubank and Weinberg 1994). American policymakers seem to agree. Both the Bush and Obama administrations regard the curtailment of physical integrity rights as a necessary element of effective counterterrorism policy. The Bush administration responded to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, with policies permitting indefinite detention, extraordinary rendition, use of physically abusive interrogation practices, and increased and largely unchecked surveillance and wiretapping of suspected terrorists. Although it banned abusive interrogation and announced plans to close the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, the Obama administration has maintained the practice of wiretapping, reserved the option of rendition, and dramatically increased unmanned drone attacks against suspected terrorists in Pakistan, which often results in civilian casualties. Both presidents have claimed that these policies are necessary to keep Americans safe from terrorism (Hosenball 2009; "Bush Defends Policy on Terror Detainees" 2005).

The research "Constructive solutions to protect the life and physical integrity of the population against frost and cold in, Puno- Year 2018", developed a basic type, with non-experimental and transversal designs.In its development, a direct relationship was found between the variables, which allowed the development of an instrument to assess the population's acceptance of constructive solutions, normally designed by the government. t was found that to achieve efficiency and effectiveness, in the treatment of frost and cold. Parallel to the National Program, the government should implement Control Letters, to appreciate as solutions the treatment of the dispersion of prevention efforts. This will allow the alignment of the constructive condition factors and the spatial organization, thus adapting the constructive solutions, with the spatial organization that the people of Puno must have, in times of frost and cold. ; La investigación "Soluciones constructivas para proteger la vida e integridad física de la poblacion ante las heladas y friajes en, Puno- Año 2018", desarrolló un tipo básico, con diseños no experimental y transversal.En su desarrollo, se halló una relación directa entre las variables, lo que permitió desarrollar un instrumento para valorar la aceptación del poblador ante las soluciones constructivas, normalmente diseñadas por el gobierno. Se halló que para lograr eficiencia y eficacia, en el tratamiento de las heladas y fríaje, paralelo al Progama Nacional, el Gobierno debería implementar Cartas de Control, para apreciar como soluciones el tratamiento de la dispersión de los esfuerzos de prevención. Con ello se permitirá alinear los factores condición constructiva y organización espacial, adecuando de esta manera las soluciones constructivas, con la organización espacial que debe tener el poblador de Puno, en las épocas de heladas y friajes.

Economists, political scientists, and legal scholars have argued that independent judiciaries have an important role to play in promoting economic development and protecting property rights. We argue that judicial independence can also have a positive impact on the protection of human rights. To assess the human rights impact of a de facto independent judiciary, we also argue that scholars must account for the potential of endogeneity between judicial independence and protection of human rights. We examine whether greater de facto independence improves government respect for citizens' physical integrity rights, using a comprehensive dataset of 193 countries from 1981 to 2010. Employing an instrumental variables approach to control for endogeneity, we find strong support for the argument that greater levels of de facto judicial independence improve government respect for physical integrity rights. These findings are robust to changes in measurement, estimation techniques, and model specification. Failing to account for endogeneity will tend to overemphasize the ability of completely independent courts to improve government respect for physical integrity rights.

Leaders are assumed to face fiscal constraints on their ability to remain in office by competitively distributing public and/or private goods. However, many leaders can relax this constraint by borrowing on sovereign credit markets. This article argues that states with the fiscal flexibility offered by favorable credit terms have the resources necessary to (1) respond to citizen demands with policies other than widespread repression and (2) avoid agency loss that may result in unauthorized repression by state agents. Empirical analyses indicate that creditworthy states have greater respect for physical integrity rights and are less likely to suffer diminished respect for those rights when facing violent dissent or negative shocks to government revenues.

In 2016 Albania went through a major justice reform which provided legislative changes to the already existing institutions, established new ones and sought to improve the procedural guarantees of the accused in criminal trials. While the Albanian Code of Criminal Procedure prior to the changes did not provide for biological evidence or a medical intervention in the course of a criminal investigation, the new legislative changes introduced the concepts of biological evidence and the compulsory physical examination as part of tools in search of the evidence. Even though the draft amendments to the previous Albanian Code of Criminal procedure recognized the problems encountered in practice during the collection of biological evidence vis à vis individual's rights to personal integrity and dignity, the application of the newly introduced and enacted provisions remains still unclear and raises concerns, not only regarding the possible arbitrary use of such tools by law enforcement authorities, but also on the possible conflicts that can arise from the application of such procedures by medical examiners and physicians and the fundamental rights of the person under examination or undergoing the medical procedure/intervention. ; U 2016. godini Albanija je prošla kroz veliku reformu pravosuđa koja je već postojećiminstitucijama donijela zakonske izmjene, uspostavila nove zakone te nastojala poboljšatiprocesna jamstva optuženih u kaznenim postupcima. Dok albanski Zakon o kaznenompostupku prije ovih izmjena nije predviđao biološke dokaze niti medicinsku intervencijutijekom kaznene istrage, nove zakonske izmjene predstavile su koncepte bioloških dokaza iobavezni fizički pregled kao dio alata u potrazi za dokazima.Iako su u nacrtima amandmana za prethodni Zakon o kaznenom postupku Albanijeprepoznati problemi koji se susreću u praksi tijekom prikupljanja bioloških dokaza s obziromna prava pojedinca na osobni integritet i dostojanstvo, primjena novouvedenih i donesenihodredbi i dalje ostaje nejasna i izaziva zabrinutost, ne samo u pogledu mogućeg proizvoljnogkorištenja takvih alata od strane tijela za provedbu zakona, već i zbog mogućih sukoba kojimogu proizaći iz primjene takvih postupaka od strane medicinskih istražitelja i liječnika tetemeljnih prava osobe koju se ispituje ili prolazi kroz medicinski postupak/intervenciju.

Under what conditions do states torture? While many theories exist to answer this question, I focus on one - the violation of physical integrity rights. There are four types of physical integrity rights: torture, extrajudicial execution, political disappearance, and political imprisonment. In this paper I posit that there is no tradeoff between torture and the other three types of physical integrity rights; that is, when one violation occurs, other violations are NOT less likely to occur. I formulated my hypothesis using the foundations of Powell and Staton"s 2009 article, and I tested the hypothesis by running a bivariate probit regression on a country-year dataset of 113 countries with a temporal domain of 1995 to 2005. The results showed support for my hypothesis, opening up a wide range of implications for policy makers and human rights practitioners. ; Torture, Physical integrity rights, Powell and Stanton, State behavior ; A Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Honors in the Major. ; Spring Semester, 2011. ; March 23, 2011.

Under what conditions do states torture? While many theories exist to answer this question, I focus on one - the violation of physical integrity rights. There are four types of physical integrity rights: torture, extrajudicial execution, political disappearance, and political imprisonment. In this paper I posit that there is no tradeoff between torture and the other three types of physical integrity rights; that is, when one violation occurs, other violations are NOT less likely to occur. I formulated my hypothesis using the foundations of Powell and Staton"s 2009 article, and I tested the hypothesis by running a bivariate probit regression on a country-year dataset of 113 countries with a temporal domain of 1995 to 2005. The results showed support for my hypothesis, opening up a wide range of implications for policy makers and human rights practitioners. ; Torture, Physical integrity rights, Powell and Stanton, State behavior ; A Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Honors in the Major. ; Spring Semester, 2011. ; March 23, 2011.

Does respect for human rights check or promote terrorism? This question is hotly debated within policy circles. Some hold that restricting human rights is a necessary if unfortunate cost of preventing terrorism. Others conclude that such abuses aggravate political grievances that contribute to terror. The authors demonstrate that theory and data support the latter position. They hypothesize that abuse of the subset of rights known as physical integrity rights fuels terrorism by making it more difficult for government authorities to collect intelligence on terrorists and by undermining domestic and international support for their counterterrorism efforts. They test this hypothesis using a data set that includes measures of both domestic and transnational terrorist attacks and find that respect for physical integrity rights is consistently associated with fewer terrorist attacks. This suggests that those interested in curtailing terrorism should press governments to more carefully respect physical integrity rights.