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The article analyzes the evolution of the organizational structure and tactics of the Ural liberal committees. It was noted that the organizational structure of the Ural liberals were actually in a state of decay, as in the country as a whole. In order to maintain ties with the masses in a Third of the political system, they have taken a wait. The tactic of "strong opposition" has been replaced by business cooperation with the ruling circles. The outbreak of World War I made some adjustments in the strategy and tactics of the liberals. On a wide range of sources, including federal and regional archives, local periodical presents the main flow in the liberal committees in the Urals during the war. Right wing Cadets adheres to the idea of loyalty monarchical regime. They advocated the abandonment of the use of illegal forms of activity, any contact with the left-wing parties and organizations. Left — insisted on increasing confrontation with the government in wartime conditions and the use of not only legal, but also illegal forms of work are not excluded revolutionary methods. Reveals the main activities of the Ural cadet committees. The desire to take a leading position in the growing social and labor movement that is increasingly oriented them to seek contacts with the democratic forces. This facilitated the struggle against the existing power, but to create an additional chance to revolutionary settlement of the conflict. The Cadets had hoped that they would be able to keep it in a constitutional way. However, their hopes were not realized. ; В статье анализируется эволюция организационной структуры и тактики уральских либе-ральных комитетов в годы Первой мировой войны. Отмечено, что организационные структуры уральских либералов были фактически в состоянии распада, как и в стране в целом. В целях сохранения связи с массами в условиях третьеиюньской политической системы, они заняли выжидательную позицию. Тактика «решительной оппозиции» была заменена деловым сотрудничеством с правящими кругами. Начавшаяся Первая мировая война внесла определенные коррективы в стратегию и тактику либералов. На широком круге источников, в том числе федеральных и региональных архивов, местной периодики представлены основные течения в либеральных комитетах на Урале в годы войны. Правое крыло кадетов придерживалось идеи лояльности монархическому режиму. Они выступало за отказ от использования нелегальных форм деятельности, каких-либо контактов с левыми партиями и организациями. Левое — настаивало на усилении конфронтации с властью в условиях военного времени и использование нетолько легальных, но и нелегальных форм работы, не исключались революционные методы.Раскрываются основные направления деятельности уральских кадетских комитетов.Стремление занять лидирующие позиции в растущем общественном и рабочем движении,все более ориентировало их к поиску контактов с демократическими силами. Это облегчало борьбу с существующей властью, но создавало дополнительный шанс к революционной развязке конфликта. Кадеты надеялись, что им удастся удержать ее в конституционном русле. Однако надежды их не оправдались.

The increasing salience of cultural conflicts in the post-Cold War era brings the problem of peripheral justice, defined as the equal attainment of social justice, to the center of current debates on globalization. Specifically, they force us to directly confront the toughest challenge posed by the Weberian tradition: If the principles of justice and equality are beyond the peculiarity of the Occidental civilization, how then may we give a full explanation as to why in the West-and only in the West-the ideal of public reasoning by private people has been materialized? The present study seeks to address this fundamental challenge by drawing on the Marxist tradition of public hegemony developed by Confucian Marxists and Gramsci. I argue that at the core of the problem of peripheral justice is an intrinsic linkage between Eurocentricism and the liberal paradigm of "civil society." The prospect of equal justice, therefore, hinges on the development of a new conception of the "social" that reverses the liberal interpretation of the relationship between bourgeois subjectivity and the "social" and derives from the primacy of the ethical life for social formation.

The unresolved economic crisis and the end of the 20-year Marcos dictatorship ushered a period of transition in both the political and economic scene. The ruling political coalition in the Philippines basically consists of a liberal democratic faction and an authoritarian-oriented, rightist bloc, given this situation it is uncertain whether a liberal democratic or authoritarian state will eventually be constituted. The democratic liberal faction, even though it had inherited a debt-ridden and stagnant economy which makes it difficult to sustain a non-interventionist strategy, is aversed to government intervention in the economy. The proposed economic agenda of the democratic liberal faction gives primacy to the role of policies in effecting economic outcomes whether there is stagnation or growth. The assumption is that its policy goals of agricultural development, export promotion, and poverty alleviation are adequate in fostering long-run economic growth and social development. The goal is minimum intervention to effect welfare programs and the promotion of growth in agriculture and the export sector knowing that even though it had inherited a debt-ridden and stagnant economy which makes it difficult to sustain a non-interventionist strategy this can only be realized once all obstacles such as debt obligations and political instability have been overcome. And to resolve poverty, it is imperative to promote capital accumulation and utilize resources but the tasks and process involved departs from the notion of 'equity'. All of this would have implications in public investments activities, state involvement in research, product and technology development, tax reform, credit extension, and the formulation of policies, which can slowly resolve some of the structural contradictions of the economy.

In this book, life in peripheral communities is examined from a wide range of research perspectives. Scholars studying social, ecological, cultural and economic aspects, from prehistoric to modern times, contribute to create a comparative perspective on life in peripheries. Some of the articles focus on forest communities in northern Sweden, but studies from other parts of the world form a substantial part of this volume. The publication is the outcome of the multidisciplinary conference Peripheral Communities: Crisis, Continuity and Long-Term Survival, which took place in the small Swedish village Ängersjö in August 14–17, 2003. Central themes of the conference were: •• Resource management in peripheries •• Ecology – technology – local knowledge •• Social organisation – property relations, inheritance patterns and gender •• Socio-economic strategies in internal and external relations •• Motives to live/stay in peripheral communities •• History and culture – an asset and/or a drawback •• Local political culture and the public sphere •• Conflict resolution – the use of legal and local systems •• Value systems and traditions •• Relations to state and market •• Diaspora, collaborative communities and networks Host of the conference was the interdisciplinary research project Flexibility as Tradition: Culture and Subsistence in the Boreal Forests of Northern Sweden, funded by the Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation. The project has studied the flexible, composite, and changeable character of economic activities and resource utilization in the forest districts over a long temporal perspective.