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In 1978 the Wran Government announced an Inquiry to investigate a range of issues including Aboriginal land rights recognition, the causes of Aboriginal social and economic disadvantage, heritage protection and commonwealth and state relations. The Select Committee, chaired by state member Maurie Keane, in its 'First Report' that focused on land rights, not only fundamentally changed the way Government's liaise and consult with Aboriginal people, the Committee unanimously endorsed far-reaching recommendations including the ability to recover land, compensation for cultural loss and three-tier community driven administrative structure. All of this was set in the context of Aboriginal rights to self-determination and fundamental attachment to land as a cultural relationship and historical reality. The movement for land rights was the culmination of many years of land justice activism, shifting policy at the Commonwealth level and wider international movements contesting colonial rule and racism. More specifically the land rights movement in NSW was galvanised in response to the previous Government's renewed efforts to assimilate Aboriginal people and revoke reserve lands and the limited land rights recognition made possible through the Aboriginal Lands Trust (herein 'the Trust'). This paper argues a more focused and pronounced campaign emerged in the mid 1970s whereby land rights 'time had come' as a result of Aboriginal political activism and the alliances formed with and among left social movements. This movement created the political climate for the Wran Government's announcement of the Select Committee Inquiry in 1978.

In China, illegal evictions disenfranchise farmers and threaten agricultural development. The government claims to have introduced the world's strictest measures to protect farmland and improve farmers' lives, but with minimal results. As rural land remains in the hands of the state, is land privatization the solution?

2019 ReSAKSS Annual Trends and Outlook Report 45 Anew wave of land reforms has swept across a large number of developing countries since the millennium. Prior to the millennium, land tenure reform toward an individual freehold system was seen as a prerequisite for development in Africa south of the Sahara (SSA) by governments, development partners, and practitioners (Feder and Noronha 1987; Migot- Adholla et al. 1994). The arguments in favor of reforming the customary African land tenure system were mainly based on the neoclassical economic theory of property rights (Demsetz 1967; Barzel 1997) that predicts greater productivity as land tenure becomes more secure and individualized. Reflecting neoliberal thinking about private property rights, Besley (1995) identified three channels through which secure property rights can, in principle, bring about positive economic outcomes, namely (1) tenure security and higher land investment incentives; (2) smooth functioning of the land markets (tradability) that smooths farm input adjustment; and (3) facilitating access to institutional credit by allowing land to be used as collateral. These hypothesized effects of tenure security rely heavily on the neoclassical framework that presupposes markets for all goods and services (including credit and insurance markets) exist and, therefore, market clearing prices determine demand and supply choices of households (Bardhan 1989; Hoff, Braverman, and Stiglitz 1993). ; PR ; IFPRI1; ReSAKSS; CRP2; CRP4 ; AFR; PIM; DSGD; A4NH ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM); CGIAR Research Program on Agriculture for Nutrition and Health (A4NH)

This brief presents an overview of land tenure and other land rights reforms that have been introduced in Africa to address issues of agricultural production efficiency, natural resource sustainability, and equity of access to and control over land resources by marginalized groups such as rural households and women, and the efficacy of these reforms in improving agricultural productivity and combating poverty. ; Available in SANREM office, ES

In 1978 the Wran Government announced an Inquiry to investigate a range of issues including Aboriginal land rights recognition, the causes of Aboriginal social and economic disadvantage, heritage protection and commonwealth and state relations. The Select Committee, chaired by state member Maurie Keane, in its 'First Report' that focused on land rights, not only fundamentally changed the way Government's liaise and consult with Aboriginal people, the Committee unanimously endorsed far-reaching recommendations including the ability to recover land, compensation for cultural loss and three-tier community driven administrative structure. All of this was set in the context of Aboriginal rights to self-determination and fundamental attachment to land as a cultural relationship and historical reality. The movement for land rights was the culmination of many years of land justice activism, shifting policy at the Commonwealth level and wider international movements contesting colonial rule and racism. More specifically the land rights movement in NSW was galvanised in response to the previous Government's renewed efforts to assimilate Aboriginal people and revoke reserve lands and the limited land rights recognition made possible through the Aboriginal Lands Trust (herein 'the Trust'). This paper argues a more focused and pronounced campaign emerged in the mid 1970s whereby land rights 'time had come' as a result of Aboriginal political activism and the alliances formed with and among left social movements. This movement created the political climate for the Wran Government's announcement of the Select Committee Inquiry in 1978.

This paper focuses on the issue of human rights with respect to women's land rights in Zimbabwe. The concept of human rights is particularly pertinent because of the debates on land reform and the activities of the land Commission exploring possibilities for the reform of land use in Zimbabwe.

The effect of the refusal to cede Aborigines title to land and the importance of land rights to Aborigines are considered. An examination is made of the past and the continuing alienation of Aborigines' land. Violence is placed in perspective. Suggestions are made as how the granting of land rights will need to be supplemented if the crisis confronting both white and black Australians is to be faced.

Für schwarze Frauen auf dem Land in Simbabwe, die neben Hausarbeit und Kinderbetreuung seit jeher einen Großteil der landwirtschaftlichen Arbeit verrichten, ist es bis heute schwierig geblieben, selbst Eigentum an Grund und Boden erwerben zu können. Damit bleibt den meisten dieser Frauen das Grundrecht auf die Möglichkeit zur ökonomischen Selbständigkeit verwehrt. Der Artikel schildert die systematische Benachteiligung, die die Frauen Simbabwes in dieser Hinsicht in der traditionellen, kolonialen und noch in der nachkolonialen Gesellschaft erfuhren. Während ihre Männer häufig als Wanderarbeiter oder Lohnarbeiter in den Städten Geld verdienten, bildeten die Frauen auf den Dörfern als billige Arbeitskräfte das Rückgrat der Landwirtschaft. Bei allen Fortschritten in der gesetzlichen Regelung der Gleichstellung der Frauen in anderen Bereichen in den letzten Jahren wurde der Eigentumsfrage in der Landwirtschaft offiziell bisher wenig Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt. Eine Abwanderung jüngerer Frauen in die Städte und eine Verlagerung ihrer ökonomischen Aktivitäten in außerlandwirtschaftliche Bereiche ist bereits als direkte Folge des fehlenden gesicherten Zugangs zu Landeigentum zu beobachten. (DÜI-Ply)