Suchergebnisse

This paper investigates whether and when affiliation to business groups enables or constrains firms' international search behavior during institutional transitions. We theorize that given the unique structure and complex form of business group organizations, the search behavior of affiliated firms is influenced by the degree of (mis)alignment in outlook at the group and affiliate levels of management. We identify the scope of institutional changes, business group attributes, and affiliate characteristics as sources of such (mis)alignment. The results from panel data on 298 firms from the Indian pharmaceutical industry for the 1992–2007 period show that the constraining effects of business group affiliation are observed only when institutional changes are specific to the affiliates' industry and not when broad institutional changes affect the business group as a whole. Moreover, we observe heterogeneity in the search behavior of group affiliated firms. First, the degree of misalignment is greater in the case of affiliates belonging to older business groups and those that are more distant in terms of age and industry since the group's founding. Second, by contrast and suggesting an alignment in outlook, we find that affiliated firms that occupy a prominent position within a group or industry are able to bargain for and receive attention and support from the business group to undertake international search. Our findings have implications for research on the role of business groups in a changing institutional context and for the strategic adaptation of firms embedded in complex organizational and institutional settings.

AbstractThis paper experimentally investigates how inter- and intragroup heterogeneity (related to individual cooperative preferences) influences intergroup coordination. Coordination incentives are implemented through an intergroup rank-order competition. A pre-competition phase determines how individual heterogeneity is distributed across groups within an organisation. Two treatments are compared: a horizontal-heterogeneity treatment (H-Hetero, baseline), where individual differences are randomly distributed within and between groups, and a vertical-heterogeneity treatment (V-Hetero), in which groups are internally homogeneous but differ considerably from each other. In contrast to expectations, I find that vertical (intergroup) heterogeneity, when being accompanied by intragroup homogeneity, does not reduce the ability of groups to coordinate and keeps overall performance at very high levels. Indeed, subjects react more strongly to the coordination/competition incentives in vertically heterogenous organisations. Further analysis suggests that group dynamics are mainly driven by a positive orientation towards inequality (distributional preferences) of the members of the initially least cooperative groups, and their non-conditional cooperative behaviour. These results have implications for the design of group-based incentives and governance in organisations and societies.

Despite the popularization of the environmental discourse, rural environmental belief-systems should not be viewed as homogenous. Focusing on the largest protected area in Greece, we examined heterogeneity in local environmental views. Local spokespersons elicited word associations to two stimulus terms, namely, 'environmentalists' and 'protected area'. Based on association categories for both terms, we identified two sample segments. 'Naturalists' appealed to a naturalistic image, which shaped the core compartment of their representations. On the other hand, 'skeptics' provided both environmentalist claims and critical accounts. Our findings revealed that the environmental discourse was widely diffused among local spokespersons. Issues of power and participation in decision-making processes within protected areas are discussed. For instance, dimensions of power and legitimacy were reflected in the frequency of association categories and their allocation among sample segments. Specifically, environmentalist accounts were overtly expressed by both 'naturalists' and skeptics, while a more socially, politically and critically inclined view was revealed by a small percentage of associations that were all elicited by 'skeptics'. We conclude that appreciating the heterogeneity of rural environmental views can reinforce the democratic mandate in environmental policy-making. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Group behavior research suggests that differences among group members cause individuals to interact in ways that may enhance or weaken group performance. Dissimilarities among members may cause the development of negative attitudes about work groups, leading to dysfunctional performance. Network theorists have found that demographic factors influence individuals' tendency to form network ties within their organizations. This article bridges these findings, examining whether work group demographic differences affect a group member's tendency to form network ties with other group members or outside the work unit. In a study of 49 employees at a Midwest consulting firm, individual differences in sex and tenure predicted whether employees interacted within their work groups on advice and friendship dimensions, respectively, but did not affect the establishment of working relationships. Increased group heterogeneity tended to reduce the effect of demographic differences. Longer-service men were more likely to forge relationships within the work group than were short-term or female workers.

Purpose– Based on generational theory, this research studies the preferences of French young graduates from Generation Y for job and organizational attributes of a future employer. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the debate on the inter- vs intragenerational differences and discusses the common stereotype of an intragroup homogeneity within the Generation Y.Design/methodology/approach– Reviewing generation and job search literature, the paper update graduates' preferences for job and organizational attributes in their initial job search by using conjoint analysis, a rarely used methodology in human resource management (HRM). To test the intragroup homogeneity and to overcome methodological difficulties inherent in examining differences within a generational cohort, the paper operationalized a homogeneous sample (n=592) composed of people of the same age, career stage, cohort and nationality.Findings– The authors demonstrate that, even if on the whole young graduates from Generation Y prefer job security and a relaxed work atmosphere, their preferences are heterogeneous.Research limitations/implications– This research leads to discuss the relevance of the concept of Generation Y for recruitment. Additional research is needed to improve the external validity of this study which must be reproduced in other contexts and with different populations.Practical implications– The results provide useful information to assist HR managers and recruitment specialists in improving the efficiency of the recruitment process and in considering the relevant segmentation criteria for recruitment.Originality/value– Using an original methodology, conjoint analysis, this paper focusses on the heterogeneity of Generation Y and its consequences in terms of HRM.

Guided by social disorganization theory, this article examines the influence of neighborhood characteristics on intragroup and intergroup robbery, net of spatial proximity in a predominantly native-born Latino/Mexican-origin city—San Antonio, Texas. From census tract and official police robbery data, the findings indicate that intragroup robbery is more common than intergroup robbery. Multivariate results show that variation in black intragroup robbery lies primarily in highly disadvantaged neighborhoods; whereas variation in Latino intergroup robbery is found in neighborhoods with more disadvantage, racial/ethnic heterogeneity, recent immigrants, and blacks. Residential instability persistently influences all robbery types. Disaggregating robberies by race and ethnicity reveals the importance of examining Latinos as offenders and victims. The case of San Antonio serves as a harbinger of conditions that may exist in the growing number of majority-Latino cities—and suggests the need to investigate crime experiences that move beyond studying racial dichotomies of violence.

Guided by social disorganization theory, this article examines the influence of neighborhood characteristics on intragroup and intergroup robbery, net of spatial proximity in a predominantly native-born Latino/Mexican-origin city -San Antonio, Texas. From census tract and official police robbery data, the findings indicate that intragroup robbery is more common than intergroup robbery. Multivariate results show that variation in black intragroup robbery lies primarily in highly disadvantaged neighborhoods; whereas variation in Latino intergroup robbery is found in neighborhoods with more disadvantage, racial/ethnic heterogeneity, recent immigrants, and blacks. Residential instability persistently influences all robbery types. Disaggregating robberies by race and ethnicity reveals the importance of examining Latinos as offenders and victims. The case of San Antonio serves as a harbinger of conditions that may exist in the growing number of majority-Latino cities -and suggests the need to investigate crime experiences that move beyond studying racial dichotomies of violence. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

This study analyzes whether individual skills and personality traits facilitate labor market mobility of disadvantaged groups and rural migrants. We use a panel dataset of individuals in rural South India to explore the relationship between individual cognitive skills, personality traits, and income mobility. We take advantage of intragroup heterogeneity in terms of cognitive skills and personality traits to examine whether these personal characteristics enable individuals to overcome rigid social structures, exploring the role of these skills and traits in migrants' income mobility. We show that despite strong rigidity in the area's labor market structure, personality traits are important determinants of labor mobility, enabling individuals to overcome caste and gender discrimination, but that these personality traits do not contribute to increases in migrants' income mobility.

Abstract

Aims
Studies examining the use of specific emotion regulation (ER) strategies in patients with severe alcohol use disorder (AUD) are mainly focused on intergroup comparisons to the detriment of intragroup variability. Yet, these patients are in fact characterized by emotional deficits of varying severity, and we seek to identify different patterns of ER strategies in people with AUD during their first year of abstinence.


Methods
Based on the ER strategies used by a large sample of patients with AUD, we applied cluster analysis to identify the existence of subgroups using distinct patterns of adaptive and nonadaptive strategies. To characterize these groups, we compared their clinical characteristics and then their emotional regulation strategies to those of control consumers.


Results
A first cluster, representing 61% of the sample, is constituted by individuals with high adaptive strategy scores and high nonadaptive strategy scores; a second cluster, representing 39% of the sample, corresponds to individuals with low adaptive strategy scores and high nonadaptive strategy scores. The individuals in these two clusters differed in terms of anxiety level and abstinence time. Compared with control consumers, the use of nonadaptive ER strategies remained lower for the two clusters, while the use of adaptative strategies differed.


Conclusions
Our results support the idea of considering the heterogeneity of emotional capacities in individuals with AUD during the first year of abstinence. The identification of these profiles suggests either the existence of different adaptive ER capacities at baseline or a specific recovery of adaptive strategies over this period.

Existing research inadequately addresses the variation in Mexican Americans' patterns of ethnic identification. Drawing on 78 interviews, I address this question by exploring how conceptions of ancestry and nationality shape ethnic identification among New Mexico's long-standing Mexican American population, Nuevomexicanos. I find that Nuevomexicanos emphasized their ties to Spanish heritage within the history of New Mexico to explain their ethnicity and to construct their identity in opposition to Mexican immigrants. Although Nuevomexicanos varied in their claims to Mexican ancestry, they generally prioritized their roots in the original Spanish settlement of New Mexico to emphasize distinctions in ancestry, nationality, and regionality from Mexican immigrants. Moreover, despite Nuevomexicanos' persistent claims to Spanish ancestry, they did not perceive themselves as racially White. Instead, Spanish ancestry was integral to Nuevomexicano identity because it enabled them to highlight their regional ties to New Mexico and long-time American identities. Thus, I argue that Nuevomexicanos' enduring claims to Spanish ancestry represent a defensive strategy to enact dissociation from stigmatized Mexican immigrants. Overall, these findings show that Mexican Americans' dissociation strategies are contingent on how they define themselves as members of an ethnic and national community. These findings also indicate that "Mexican American" as an identity term is a loosely maintained membership category among "Mexican Americans" because of their intragroup heterogeneity.

Despite polarization's growing importance in social science, its quantitative measurement has lagged behind its conceptual development. Political and social polarization are group-based phenomena characterized by intergroup heterogeneity and intragroup homogeneity, but existing measures capture only one of these features or make it difficult to compare across cases or over time. To bring the concept and measurement of polarization into closer alignment, I introduce the cluster-polarization coefficient (CPC), a measure of multimodality that allows scholars to incorporate multiple variables and compare across contexts with varying numbers of parties or social groups. Three applications to elite and mass polarization demonstrate that the CPC returns substantively sensible results, and an open-source software package implements the measure.

Advocates of a universal child care system offer a two-fold argument: Child care facilitates children's long-run development, and levels the playing field by benefiting in particular disadvantaged children. Therefore, a critical element in evaluating universal child care systems is to measure the impact on child development in a way that allows the effects to vary systematically over the outcome distribution. Using non-linear DD methods, we investigate how the introduction of large-scale, publicly subsidized child care in Norway affected the earnings distribution of exposed children as adults. We find that mean impacts miss a lot: While child care had a small and insignificant mean impact, effects were positive over the bulk of the earnings distribution, and sizable below the median. This is an important observation since previous empirical studies of universal child care have focused on mean impacts. We further demonstrate that the essential features of our empirical findings could not have been revealed using mean impact analysis on typically defined subgroups. This is because the intragroup variation in the child care effects is relatively large compared to the intergroup variation in mean impacts.

Research on racial resentment has been meticulously developed, tested, and analyzed with white Americans in mind—yet black Americans have also responded to this battery for the past three decades. To date, little to nothing is known about the implications of responses to the racial resentment battery among black Americans. A burgeoning literature on blacks' intragroup attitudes suggests that over time, black Americans have increasingly attributed racial inequality to individual failings as opposed to structural forces. As such, unpacking blacks' responses to the canonical racial resentment battery may provide further insight into the micro-foundations of black public opinion. Using survey data from 1986 to 2016, we engage in a systematic quantitative examination of the role of racial resentment in predicting black and white Americans' opinions on racial policies, "race-coded" policies, and nonracialized policies. Along the way, we highlight the existence of wide heterogeneity among black respondents and call for further investigation that identifies similarities and differences in the foundations of white and black public opinion.

The conduct of a political party as an organization is suffused with culture with its own values, concepts and meanings. Indonesia is an interesting case in point. In this paper, the writers expound on the dynamics of organizational conflicts experienced by the Indonesia Democracy Party of Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan/PDI-P) as an opposition party in Indonesia for two decades. By utilizing a phenomenographic approach to capture the participation, perception and understanding of party leaders and members, this paper focuses on three research problems, namely the levels of internal party conflicts, styles of conflict management and factors that influences the process of conflict resolution. There are several highlighted findings. First, the level of conflict occurs on the levels of inter-organizational, intergroup, intragroup, and interpersonal. Secondly, the styles of conflict management adopted by individuals in the party consist of collaborative, competitive, accommodating, compromising and avoidance styles, which vary according to character, political needs, and ideology. Lastly, conflict resolution in the party is heavily influenced by (1) personal factors such as individual member's conceptions on internal party conflicts as well as their references to how conflicts have been solved before; (2) relational factors, i.e. relationships between members of the party which are fostered by an interdependence to reach a common goal as an opposition party, and (3) PDI-P's organizational culture which is built around a juxtaposition between the heterogeneity of geographical and ideological backgrounds and the authority of a charismatic leadership. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n19p608

The present report provides an overview of the main developments and debates in relation to migration and asylum in Luxembourg in 2017. The number of people applying for international protection remained high in 2017 (2.322 applications) compared to the levels registered pre- 'migration crisis' (1.091 in 2014). However, the number of registrations remained relatively stable if compared to the two preceding years (2.447 in 2015 and 2.035 in 2016). This relative stability in numbers also reflected on the general public and policy debate in the field of migration and asylum. Since 2016, its focus has continuously shifted from an 'emergency' discourse axed on the implementation of reception measures and conditions towards discussions on longer-term integration measures and policies. In this regard, the newly introduced Guided Integration Trail (parcours d'intégration accompagné - PIA) can be considered a flagship project of OLAI, the national agency responsible for the reception and integration of foreigners. This multidisciplinary package of measures aims to empower applicants and beneficiaries of international protection and to support them in developing their life project. The trail, compulsory for all adult applicants for international protection, consists of a linguistic component and a civic component and is split into three phases. Although increasing housing capacities for the reception of applicants for international protection was high on national authorities' agenda, housing remained a challenging aspect of the asylum system and triggered debate on a national scale. Alongside access to training, problems related to housing were among the issues most frequently raised by applicants for international protection in 2017. The lack of affordable housing on the private market, an increasing number of family reunifications as well as the increasing number of beneficiaries and persons who have been issued a return decision who remain housed in structures of OLAI were all identified as interplaying barriers for finding available accommodation for applicants for international protection. The difficulties with the construction of modular housing structures also persisted in 2017. A certain reticence of the population towards the construction of these so-called 'container villages, planned in response to the increasing influx that started in August 2015, was visible in the appeals introduced into Luxembourg's First Instance Administrative Courts to annul the land-use plans related to the projects. Living conditions in the various reception facilities were also one of the subjects of discussion in 2017. This included a debate on the (lack of) kitchen infrastructure in reception facilities and the varying systems for provision of food, the types of food available, as well as the availability of internet. As an answer to the resurgence of an increased influx of applicants of international protection from the Western Balkans in early 2017, a new 'ultra-accelerated procedure' was put in place for applicants of international protection stemming from the Western Balkans. According to the state authorities, the ultra-accelerated procedure was set up to take pressure off the reception facilities, but also as a deterrent to avoid creating false hopes for long-term stay. In April 2017, a 'semi-open return structure' (Structure d'hébergement d'urgence au Kirchberg – SHUK) was put in place, from which people are transferred to states applying the Dublin regulation. Due to home custody (assignation à résidence), the SHUK is considered to be an alternative to detention by national authorities. The newly created structure as well as the related conditions for assignment, were nevertheless criticised by civil society. The outcry among civil society was equally high during and after the adoption the Law of 8 March 2017, which endorses the extension of the permitted period of detention of adults or families with children from 72 hours to 7 days, in order to improve the organisation of the return and ensures that it is carried out successfully. A commission in charge of determining the best interests of unaccompanied minors applying for international protection was decided at the end of 2017. The commission is in charge of carrying out individual assessments regarding the best interest of the child with the aim of delivering an authorisation of stay or a return decision. Among the elements taken into consideration when the best interest of the child is evaluated in the context of a potential return decision is information provided by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The latter made an agreement with the Directorate of Immigration in 2017 to search for the parents of UAMs in the country of origin. With the focus of debates having slowly shifted towards long-term integration issues, the Council of Government also approved the elaboration of a new multiannual national action plan on integration. The plan will be based on two axes: (1) the reception and follow-up of applicants for international protection and (2) the integration of Luxembourg's non-Luxembourgish residents. Luxembourg's National Employment Agency (ADEM) set up a "cellule BPI" (beneficiaries of international protection cell) in its Employer Service in early 2017. This cell provides employers with information regarding job applications and evaluations of the competences of beneficiaries of international protection. A new law on the Luxembourgish nationality entered into force on 1 April 2017. Given the particular demographic situation of Luxembourg characterised by a significant increase in the total population and a decrease in the proportion of Luxembourgers in the total population, the reform intends to promote the societal and political integration of non-Luxembourgish citizens and to strengthen cohesion within the national community. The main changes introduced by the law include a decreased length of residence requirement for naturalisation (from 7 to 5 years), the right of birthplace (jus soli) of the first generation, a simplified way of acquiring Luxembourgish nationality by 'option', as well as new scenarios to avoid cases of statelessness. The law maintains previous linguistic requirements but makes some adjustments in order to prevent the language condition from becoming an insurmountable obstacle. Ahead of the local elections held on 8 October 2017, the Ministry of Family, Integration and the Greater Region launched a national information and awareness-raising campaign titled "Je peux voter" (I can vote) in January 2017. This campaign aimed to motivate Luxembourg's foreign population to register on the electoral roll for the local elections. The government's intention to legislate face concealment was arguably one of the most debated topics in the field related to community life and integration in the broader sense, both in parliament as well as in the media and public sphere. Bill n°7179 aims to modify article 563 of the Penal Code and to create the prohibition of face concealment in certain public spaces. The bill defines face concealment as the action of covering part of or all of the face in a way of rendering the identification of the person impossible and provides a wide variety of examples, such as the wearing of a motor cycle helmet, a balaclava or a full-face veil. Opposing views among stakeholders, whether political parties, public institutions, civil society or the media, emerged with regard to the necessity to legislate in the matter and if so, on the basis of which grounds and to what extent. The phenomenon of migration has also led to a more heterogeneous population in Luxembourg's schools. To face this situation, the education authorities continued to diversify Luxembourg's offer in education and training, creating for instance a bigger offer for youngsters and adults who do not master any of Luxembourg's vehicular languages, offering more alphabetisation courses or basic instruction courses. The Minister for National Education continued to develop and adapt the school offer to the increased heterogeneity by increasing the international and European school offer, introducing of a new mediation service and putting in place a plurilingual education programme. In the area of legal migration, the most significant changes concerned admission policies of specific categories of third-country nationals. In this respect, bill n°7188 mainly aims to transpose Directive (EU) 2016/801 of the European Parliament and the Council of 11 May 2016 on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purposes of research, studies, training, voluntary service, pupil exchange schemes or educational projects and au pairing. The directive aims to make the European Union a world centre of excellence for studies and training, while favouring contacts between people and favouring their mobility, these two being important elements of the European Union's external policy. Bill N°7188 intends to facilitate and simplify the procedures for intra-European mobility of TCN researchers and students. Moreover, the proposed changes include incentive mechanisms to retain students and researchers. To this end, it proposes that students and researchers, once they have completed their studies/research, can be issued a residence permit for "private reasons" for a duration of 9 months at most in view of finding employment or creating a business. Finally, bill n°7188 also foresees provisions to regulate the family reunification of a researcher staying in Luxembourg in the context of short- and long-term mobility with his/her nuclear family. The legislator furthermore transposed Directive 2014/36 on seasonal workers and Directive 2014/66 on temporary intragroup transfer into national law, and adapted Luxembourg's immigration law to the needs to the economy, by introducing, amongst other things, and authorisation of stay for investors. Organising the admission of stay and the issuance of authorisations of stay was also a key component within the agreement between Luxembourg and Cape Verde on the concerted management of migratory flows and solidary development. Other objectives of the agreement include the promotion of the movement of people, detailing readmission procedures, fighting against irregular migration, strengthening the legal establishment and integration of the concerned nationals, as well as the mobilisation of skills and resources of migrants in favour of solidary development. ; Le présent rapport fait la synthèse des principaux débats et des évolutions majeures concernant les migrations et l'asile au Luxembourg en 2017. Le nombre de personnes demandant une protection internationale est resté élevé en 2017 (2 322 demandes) par rapport aux niveaux enregistrés avant la « crise migratoire » (1 091 en 2014). Toutefois, ce nombre est resté relativement stable par rapport aux deux années précédentes (2 447 en 2015 et 2 035 en 2016). Cette stabilité relative s'est également reflétée dans le débat public et politique dans le domaine des migrations et de l'asile. Depuis 2016, l'accent n'a cessé de se déplacer d'un discours « d'urgence » axé sur la mise en œuvre de mesures et de conditions d'accueil vers des discussions sur des mesures et des politiques d'intégration à plus long terme. À cet égard, le nouveau parcours d'intégration accompagné (PIA) peut être considéré comme un projet phare de l'OLAI, l'Office luxembourgeois de l'accueil et de l'intégration des étrangers. Le PIA vise à autonomiser les demandeurs et les bénéficiaires d'une protection internationale et à les soutenir dans le développement de leur projet de vie. Le parcours, obligatoire pour tous les demandeurs adultes de protection internationale, se compose d'une composante linguistique et d'une composante civique, et il est divisé en trois phases. Bien que l'augmentation des capacités d'hébergement des demandeurs de protection internationale (DPI) figure parmi les priorités des autorités nationales, le logement des DPI reste très problématique et a déclenché un débat à l'échelle nationale. Outre l'accès à la formation, les problèmes liés au logement des DPI ont été parmi les questions les plus fréquemment soulevées en 2017. La pression sur le logement des DPI et des bénéficiaires de protection internationale (BPI) est importante : le manque de logements abordables sur le marché privé, le nombre croissant de réunifications familiales et la progression du nombre de BPI et de personnes qui ont fait l'objet d'une décision de retour mais qui restent hébergées dans les structures de l'OLAI ont été identifiés comme facteurs de pression. Les difficultés liées à la construction de structures modulaires d'hébergement ont également persisté en 2017. Une certaine réticence de la population à l'égard de la construction de ces « villages conteneurs », prévue en réponse à l'afflux croissant qui a commencé en août 2015, était visible dans les recours introduits devant les tribunaux administratifs pour annuler les plans d'occupation des sols liés aux projets. Les conditions de vie au sein des structures d'accueil ont également fait l'objet de discussions. Elles portaient notamment sur l'absence d'équipement en cuisines de plusieurs lieux d'accueil, les différents systèmes d'approvisionnement en nourriture et les types de nourriture disponibles. Afin de répondre au nombre toujours important de DPI en provenance des pays des Balkans occidentaux, une procédure ultra-accélérée a été mise en place. Cette procédure a été instaurée pour diminuer les pressions sur les structures d'accueil et pour éviter de créer de faux espoirs pour les séjours de longue durée. En avril 2017, la structure d'hébergement d'urgence au Kirchberg (SHUK) a été mise en place, afin d'héberger les DPI pour lesquels le Luxembourg n'est pas compétent pour examiner les demandes en vertu de l'application du règlement de Dublin. Ce nombre a fortement progressé. Le placement à la SHUK correspond à une assignation à résidence, donc à une alternative à la rétention. La structure nouvellement créée ainsi que les conditions d'affectation ont néanmoins été critiquées par la société civile. Plusieurs acteurs de la société civile ont manifesté leur opposition face à une disposition de la loi du 8 mars 2017 qui a étendu la période de rétention des adultes ou familles avec enfants de 72 heures à 7 jours afin de rendre plus efficiente l'organisation du retour. Un premier bilan du fonctionnement du Centre de rétention a été publié en 2017. Une commission chargée d'évaluer l'intérêt des mineurs non accompagnés dans le cadre d'une décision de retour a été créé fin 2017. La commission est chargée de mener à bien des évaluations individuelles concernant l'intérêt supérieur de l'enfant dans le but de prendre une décision de retour ou d'accorder une autorisation de séjour. Parmi les éléments pris en considération lors de cette évaluation et dans le contexte d'une éventuelle décision de retour figurent également les informations fournies par l'Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). Cette dernière a conclu un accord avec la Direction de l'immigration pour rechercher les parents de mineurs non accompagnés dans le pays d'origine. Comme les débats s'orientent lentement vers l'intégration à long terme, le Conseil de gouvernement a également approuvé l'élaboration d'un nouveau plan d'action national sur l'intégration. Le plan sera basé sur deux axes : l'accueil et le suivi des demandeurs de protection internationale et l'intégration des résidents non luxembourgeois au Luxembourg. L'Agence pour le Développement de l'Emploi (ADEM) a créé une cellule BPI au sein de son Service employeurs. Cette cellule fournit aux employeurs des renseignements sur les demandes d'emploi et les évaluations des compétences des BPI. Une nouvelle loi sur la nationalité luxembourgeoise est entrée en vigueur le 1er avril 2017. Cette loi s'inscrit dans le contexte démographique particulier du Luxembourg, caractérisé par une augmentation continue de la population totale avec, en parallèle, une diminution de la part des Luxembourgeois dans la population totale. A travers cette loi, le législateur veut favoriser l'intégration sociétale et politique des citoyens non luxembourgeois et renforcer la cohésion au sein de la communauté nationale. Les principaux changements introduits par la loi consistent en la réduction de la durée de résidence pour la naturalisation (de 7 à 5 ans), l'introduction du droit du sol de la première génération, la réinstauration de voies simplifiées d'acquisition de la nationalité luxembourgeoise par « option », ainsi que de nouveaux scénarios pour éviter les cas d'apatridie. La loi maintient les exigences linguistiques antérieures tout en procédant à quelques ajustements afin d'empêcher que les exigences linguistiques ne deviennent un obstacle insurmontable. En vue des élections communales du 8 octobre 2017, le ministère de la Famille, de l'Intégration et à la Grande Région a lancé une campagne d'information et de sensibilisation intitulée « Je peux voter » en janvier 2017. Cette campagne avait pour but d'inciter la population étrangère du Luxembourg à s'inscrire sur les listes électorales pour les élections communales. L'intention du Gouvernement de légiférer sur la dissimulation du visage était sans doute l'un des sujets les plus débattus dans le domaine lié à la vie au sein de la société au Luxembourg et l'intégration au sens large du terme, tant à la Chambre des députés que dans les médias et la sphère publique. Le projet de loi n° 7179 vise à modifier l'article 563 du Code pénal et à créer l'interdiction de dissimuler le visage dans certains espaces publics. Il définit la dissimulation du visage comme le fait de couvrir une partie ou la totalité du visage de façon à rendre l'identification de la personne impossible. Des vues opposées entre les parties prenantes – les partis politiques, les institutions publiques, la société civile ou les médias – se sont exprimées au sujet de la nécessité de légiférer en la matière et dans l'affirmative, sur les motifs et l'étendue de l'interdiction de la dissimulation du visage. Le phénomène des migrations a eu aussi comme conséquence de renforcer l'hétérogénéité de la population scolaire. Pour faire face à cette situation, les autorités scolaires ont continué à diversifier l'offre en matière d'éducation et de formation. Parmi les mesures mises en place, on peut signaler notamment l'élargissement des offres de cours d'alphabétisation et de formation de base, l'extension de l'offre au niveau des écoles internationales et européennes et la mise en place d'un programme d'éducation plurilingue au niveau de la petite enfance. Dans le domaine de l'immigration, les changements les plus importants concernent la politique d'admission de certaines catégories de ressortissants de pays tiers. À cet égard, le projet de loi n° 7188 vise principalement à transposer la Directive européenne 2016/801 du Parlement européen et du Conseil du 11 mai 2016 sur les conditions d'entrée et de séjour des ressortissants de pays tiers à des fins de recherche, d'études, de formation, de volontariat, de programmes d'échanges d'élèves ou de projets éducatifs et de travail au pair. La directive vise à faire de l'Union européenne un centre mondial d'excellence en matière d'études et de formation, tout en favorisant les contacts entre les personnes et leur mobilité, deux éléments importants de la politique extérieure de l'Union européenne. Le projet de loi vise à faciliter et à simplifier les procédures de mobilité intraeuropéenne des chercheurs et des étudiants qui sont des ressortissants de pays tiers. De plus, certaines modifications comprennent des mécanismes incitatifs pour retenir les étudiants et les chercheurs. À cette fin, il propose que les étudiants et les chercheurs, une fois leurs études ou recherches terminées, puissent se voir délivrer un titre de séjour pour « raisons privées » pour une durée maximum de 9 mois en vue de trouver un emploi ou de créer une entreprise. Enfin, le projet de loi entend réglementer le regroupement familial d'un chercheur séjournant au Luxembourg dans le cadre d'une mobilité à court et à long terme. Le législateur a par ailleurs transposé la Directive 2014/36 sur les travailleurs saisonniers et la Directive 2014/66 sur le transfert temporaire intragroupe en droit national, et a adapté le dispositif de l'immigration aux besoins de l'économie en introduisant entre autres, une autorisation de séjour pour les investisseurs. L'organisation de l'admission du séjour et de la délivrance des autorisations de séjour était également un élément clé de l'Accord entre le Luxembourg et le Cap-Vert relatif à la gestion concertée des flux migratoires et au développement solidaire. L'accord approuvé par la loi du 20 juillet 2017 poursuit en outre les objectifs suivant : promouvoir la mobilité des personnes, lutter contre l'immigration irrégulière, préciser les procédures de réadmission, renforcer l'intégration légale des ressortissants concernés, ainsi que mobiliser les compétences et les ressources des migrants en faveur d'un développement solidaire.