Suchergebnisse

Inequalities in health are pervasive and durable, but they are not uniform. To date, however, the drivers of these between-country patters in health inequalities remain largely unknown. In this analysis, we draw on data from 17 European countries to explore whether inequalities in political participation, that is, inequalities in voting by educational attainment, are correlated with health inequalities. Over and above a range of relevant confounders, such as GDP, income inequality, health spending, social protection spending, poverty rates, and smoking, greater inequalities in political participation remain correlated with higher health inequalities. If 'politicians and officials are under no compulsion to pay much heed to classes and groups of citizens that do not vote' then political inequalities could indirectly affect health through its impact on policy choices that determine who has access to the resources necessary for a healthy life. Inequalities in political participation, then, may well be one of the 'causes of the causes' of ill-health.

Inequalities in health are pervasive and durable, but they are not uniform. To date, however, the drivers of these between-country patters in health inequalities remain largely unknown. In this analysis, we draw on data from 17 European countries to explore whether inequalities in political participation, that is, inequalities in voting by educational attainment, are correlated with health inequalities. Over and above a range of relevant confounders, such as GDP, income inequality, health spending, social protection spending, poverty rates, and smoking, greater inequalities in political participation remain correlated with higher health inequalities. If 'politicians and officials are under no compulsion to pay much heed to classes and groups of citizens that do not vote' then political inequalities could indirectly affect health through its impact on policy choices that determine who has access to the resources necessary for a healthy life. Inequalities in political participation, then, may well be one of the 'causes of the causes' of ill-health.

"Can we fight poverty and inequality while protecting the environment? The challenges are obvious. To rise out of poverty is to consume more resources, almost by definition. And many measures to combat pollution lead to job losses and higher prices that mainly hurt the poor. In Unsustainable Inequalities, economist Lucas Chancel confronts these difficulties head-on, arguing that the goals of social justice and a greener world can be compatible, but that progress requires substantial changes in public policy. Chancel begins by reviewing the problems. Human actions have put the natural world under unprecedented pressure. The poor are least to blame but suffer the most-forced to live with pollutants that the polluters themselves pay to avoid. But Chancel shows that policy pioneers worldwide are charting a way forward. Building on their success, governments and other large-scale organizations must start by doing much more simply to measure and map environmental inequalities. We need to break down the walls between traditional social policy and environmental protection-making sure, for example, that the poor benefit most from carbon taxes. And we need much better coordination between the center, where policies are set, and local authorities on the front lines of deprivation and contamination. A rare work that combines the quantitative skills of an economist with the argumentative rigor of a philosopher, Unsustainable Inequalities shows that there is still hope for solving even seemingly intractable social problems"--

Executive SummaryA backlash against numerous inequalities – and in particular against perceived unfairness in society – is a significant driver of the UK's current political malaise. Addressing inequalities between income groups, regions and generations will thus be key to re-establishing faith in government and avoiding further decline or even the threat of social unrest.In income terms, the UK has become much more unequal than in the immediate post-war decades, and it should be a goal to reverse that trend – targeting the OECD average for income inequality and a halving of the number of those living below the poverty line. Measures to deal with perceived unfairnesses could include tighter scrutiny of competition in high-yielding sectors such as technology, and incentives for the appointment of worker representatives to company boards. But a government intent on tackling inequalities will inescapably need to raise public spending and direct taxation of income and capital from their current historically low levels. In particular spending on education and active labour market policies needs to increase, while gaps in the benefits system and regional imbalances are addressed.Given the scale of technological change and the severe implications for the labour market, the risk is that policy will be insufficiently bold to deal with widespread disenchantment, which could ultimately pose a threat to democracy.

SummaryWe know that the partial means mrof a sequence of i.i.d. standardized random variables tend to 0 with probability 1. If we want P{mk≥εfor some k ≥r}≤δ for given positive ε and δ, how large should we take r? Several (strong) inequalities for the distribution of partial sums providing an answer to this question can be found in the literature (Hájek‐RényiRobbins, Khan). Furthermore there exist wellknown (weak) inequalities (Bienaymé‐Chebyshev, Bernstein, Okamoto) that give us values of rfor which P{mr≥ε}≤δ. We compare these inequalities and illustrate them with numerical results for a fixed choice ofε and δ.After a general survey and introduction in section 1, the normal and the binomial distribution are considered in more detail in the sections 2 and 3, while in section 4 it is shown that the strong inequality essentially due to Robbinscan give an inferior result for particular distributions.

Spatial planning has embraced the idea of dealing with territorial inequalities by focusing on equipment logic on a national scale, and then economic development on a local scale. Today, this issue is creating new angles of debate with strong political resonances (e.g. Brexit, French gilets jaunes movement). Interpretations of these movements are often quick and binary, such as: the contrast between metropolises and peripheries, between cities and the countryside, between the north and the south or between the east and the west of the European Union. Territorial Inequalities sheds light on the social, political and operational implications of these divergences. The chapters cover the subject at different scales of action and observation (from the neighborhood to the world), but also according to their interdependences. To deal with such a vast and ambitious theme, the preferred approach is that of territorial development in terms of public policy, namely spatial planning

ABSTRACT
Participation patterns in industrialized democracies have changed considerably in the last couple of decades. While institutionalized forms of participation (e.g., party membership) are declining, we can observe a rise in the occurrence of non-institutionalized forms of political participation. In this article we pose the question of what the effect of this trend has been for patterns of political stratification during the period 1974–2002 using the Political Action Survey as well as the European Social Survey. It can be observed that gender differences have been substantially reduced and in some cases even reversed for non-institutionalized participation and women tend to be more active in these forms than men. Younger age groups also clearly have a preference for non-institutionalized forms. Stratification based on education, however, remains the same compared to the 1970s. These findings are confirmed by a longitudinal analysis of Dutch Election Studies data for the period 1971–1998. We conclude that the emergence of new forms of political participation might have reduced age and gender based inequalities; however, it does not offer a solution for inequalities based on education.

AbstractDemocratic theorists have long emphasized the importance of participatory equality, that is, that all citizens should have an equal right to participate. It is still unclear, however, whether ordinary citizens view this principle as central to democracy and how different violations of this principle affect subjective democratic legitimacy. The attitudes of citizens are imperative when it comes to the subjective legitimacy of democratic systems, and it is therefore important to examine how participatory inequalities affect these attitudes. We here contribute to this research agenda with survey experiments embedded in two surveys (n = 324, n = 840). We here examine (1) whether citizens consider participatory inequality to be an important democratic principle, and (2) how gender and educational inequalities affect subjective legitimacy and the perceived usefulness of the participatory input. The results show that citizens generally consider participatory inequalities to be important, but only gender inequalities affect subjective legitimacy and usefulness. Hence it is important to consider the type of inequality to understand the implications.

"This book provides an accessible introduction to food inequality in the United States, offering readers a broad survey of the most important topics and issues and exploring how economics, culture, and public policy have shaped our current food landscape."