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Hydropolitical complexes are emerging to negotiate water-sharing policies that promote politicalstability, regional security, economic prosperity, and environmental sustainability. Yet interstatedisputes are occurring within most hydropolitical complexes, and weak riparians are oftencoerced to agree to water-sharing policies that adversely affect them. This research examines thestrategies weak riparians use to assert leverage in international river basins with asymmetricalpower, and the success of those strategies in achieving cooperation versus conflict. Grounded inthe theoretical framework of hydro hegemony, hard power, and soft power, this study uses crossnational analysis to test the effects of geographic, military, political, economic, technological,and external influence on water governance in eight international river systems. The resultsdemonstrate that weak riparians mobilize the assets and capacities of external actors, such asdonor countries and the World Bank, to increase their leverage within hydropolitical complexes.The study finds that strategies to balance hard power are largely ineffective; they fail to achievecooperative water-sharing arrangements and often exacerbate conflict. In contrast, strategies tobalance economic power and soft power, such as market access and political legitimacy, aremore successful in promoting cooperation and preventing conflict in hydropolitical complexes.

In many regions of the world, the multiple uses of transboundary fresh water have been a critically important component for regional stability. This situation explains why, in many cases, water management has commonly become linked to national security concerns. But, in what intensity? In search for answers, we analyze the cases of Southern Africa and the Jordan River Basin due to their prevailing condition of hydrological stress. To verify the role played by governance mechanisms in accommodating the interests of riparian states, the Hydropolitical Complexes model was applied in a comparative perspective. Our findings suggest a trend towards cooperation in Southern Africa due to the successful institutionalization of management mechanisms capable of minimizing potential conflicts. In the Jordan Basin, however, the struggle for control of water resources has been a paramount feature in the maintenance of a tense and resilient non-cooperative framework among riparian countries.

Hydropolitics, established as the "study of conflict and cooperation between states over (predominantly riverine) water resources that transcend international borders" (Elhance, 1999: 3), is a discourse that often serves to empower states – as the owners of waters – above other actors. Departing from this point, and taking a critical perspective on the subject, combined with an interest in the spatial aspects and spatial dynamics of security issues, we shed light on a 'virtual vertical' aspect of riverine hydropolitics. Hydropolitics is often framed, through a binary and distorted representation of empirical reality, as upstream-downstream state relations. In this article we challenge the presumed straightforward validity of this upstream-downstream framework in universal terms as well as in a case study of Hungary, to draw attention to the arbitrary tendency to construct downstream identities as a feature of hydropolitical security complexes (HSCs). We find that whether or not this is the motive behind the desire to project a downstream identity, per implication of its discursive enactment, governments as well as societies may be insufficiently sensitive to their 'upstream' responsibilities arising from the relativity of what is, respectively, upstream and downstream along a river.

Water security of is a emerging paradigm, is also increasingly used both in political theory and practice. Water security is connected with all other security sectores. Central Asia water security is connected with ecological, economic and energy security. Since the end of the Cold War in IR literature was the predicted water wars in XXIst century. In this master's thesis used scientifical research information shows, that the extreme of water wars, or the extreme of water peace are only theoretical. Even if water security is an issue of existential importance, particularly in transboundary waters case and hydropolitical security complexes. Central Asian water security forms the region state's international relations. Constructivist theory explains that water security is what particular country sees it. Central Asia hydropolitical relations are dynamic, so the concept of water security. New theoretical research matrix for transboundary waters TWINS and its application to Central Asia shows, that water here is securitized. Securitized transboundary waters can deepen conflict and cooperation. Hydropolitical security complex can be researched trough various international relations theories, in case of Central Asia analysing balance of power and rise of hydrohegemony. Hydrohegemony power is based on four pillars: the geographical, material, bargaining and ideational powers. Central Asia countries are competing for hydrohegemony positions. After World Bank support for CASA-1000 and Rogun Dam projects, negotiating, geographical, ideological powers are accumulated in the upper reaches of Central Asian transboundary waters. Tajikistan can become a hydrohegemony with support from third countries and international organizations.

Water security of is a emerging paradigm, is also increasingly used both in political theory and practice. Water security is connected with all other security sectores. Central Asia water security is connected with ecological, economic and energy security. Since the end of the Cold War in IR literature was the predicted water wars in XXIst century. In this master's thesis used scientifical research information shows, that the extreme of water wars, or the extreme of water peace are only theoretical. Even if water security is an issue of existential importance, particularly in transboundary waters case and hydropolitical security complexes. Central Asian water security forms the region state's international relations. Constructivist theory explains that water security is what particular country sees it. Central Asia hydropolitical relations are dynamic, so the concept of water security. New theoretical research matrix for transboundary waters TWINS and its application to Central Asia shows, that water here is securitized. Securitized transboundary waters can deepen conflict and cooperation. Hydropolitical security complex can be researched trough various international relations theories, in case of Central Asia analysing balance of power and rise of hydrohegemony. Hydrohegemony power is based on four pillars: the geographical, material, bargaining and ideational powers. Central Asia countries are competing for hydrohegemony positions. After World Bank support for CASA-1000 and Rogun Dam projects, negotiating, geographical, ideological powers are accumulated in the upper reaches of Central Asian transboundary waters. Tajikistan can become a hydrohegemony with support from third countries and international organizations.

The inter-scalar interaction of norms is pervasive in African hydropolitics due to the nature of freshwater on the continent – shared, strategic and that which necessitates cooperation. However, with few exceptions, particular norms created at specific levels of scale have been researched in isolation of those existing at other levels. It is argued that this exclusionary approach endangers the harmonised and integrated development of international water law and governance, producing sub-optimal cooperative strategies. The notable contributions of Ken Conca and the Maryland School's research on the contestation of norms occurring at different levels of scale, and Anthony Turton's Hydropolitical Complex (HPC), will be examined through a Constructivist theoretical lens, in terms of their applicability to furthering an understanding of multi-level normative frameworks. Through the use of the Orange-Senqu River basin, and the Nile Equatorial Lakes sub-basin (NELSB) as case studies, it is argued that norm convergence is possible, and is occurring in both case studies analysed, although to varying degrees as a result of different causal factors and different biophysical, historical, socio-political and cultural contexts. This is demonstrated through an examination of regional dynamics and domestic political milieus. Notwithstanding their varying degrees of water demand, Orange-Senqu and NELSB riparians present fairly different political identities, each containing existing constellations of norms, which have affected the ways in which they have responded to the influence of external norms, how the norm is translated at the local level and to what extent it is incorporated into state policy. In so doing, the interface between international norms and regional/domestic norms will be explored in an attempt to understand which norms gain acceptance and why. It is therefore advocated that a multi-level interpretation of norm development in Africa's hydropolitics is essential to an understanding of the interconnectedness of context, interests and identities. Each level of scale, from the international to the subnational, give meaning to how norms are translated and socialised, and how they in turn, transform contexts.

In a context of decreasing water quantity and quality, the increasing use of different technologies helps to face water security threats such as such as economic growth, demography, and climate change. Seawater desalination technology is one of them. The treatment of seawater produces an additional supply of freshwater that can meet the growing demand. In some parts of the world, such as in Saudi Arabia, Israel or Singapore, desalinated water already constitutes more than half of the national water supply. Nevertheless, this technological fix also brings its lot of political, social, financial, and environmental challenges. This research produces a global picture of the impact of large-scale desalination on hydropolitics and transboundary water management. It focuses on the hydropolitical change this new source of non-natural water brings to the transboundary water cooperation table. It analyzes the impact large-scale desalination technology has on transboundary water interactions or international water exchanges. While studies on the impact of desalination exist, they often focus on the local level. The specific contribution of this research lies in the production of a thorough analysis of several case studies at the international level. The first objective is to analyze data before and after large-scale desalination to observe if there is an increase in cooperative events or not after the introduction of the technology. The second objective is to process and locate water interactions vis-à-vis the geopolitical context while applying common terms such as water security and the hydropolitical security complex. Finally, a third objective is to analyze the discourse of experts on the topic of water security, hydropolitics, and desalination to highlight relevant factors of large- scale desalination and effective transboundary water management. This study fills an existing gap in the water security and desalination nexus while laying the foundations for further research. ; (POLS - Sciences politiques et sociales) -- UCL, 2022

In a context of decreasing water quantity and quality, the increasing use of different technologies helps to face water security threats such as such as economic growth, demography, and climate change. Seawater desalination technology is one of them. The treatment of seawater produces an additional supply of freshwater that can meet the growing demand. In some parts of the world, such as in Saudi Arabia, Israel or Singapore, desalinated water already constitutes more than half of the national water supply. Nevertheless, this technological fix also brings its lot of political, social, financial, and environmental challenges. This research produces a global picture of the impact of large-scale desalination on hydropolitics and transboundary water management. It focuses on the hydropolitical change this new source of non-natural water brings to the transboundary water cooperation table. It analyzes the impact large-scale desalination technology has on transboundary water interactions or international water exchanges. While studies on the impact of desalination exist, they often focus on the local level. The specific contribution of this research lies in the production of a thorough analysis of several case studies at the international level. The first objective is to analyze data before and after large-scale desalination to observe if there is an increase in cooperative events or not after the introduction of the technology. The second objective is to process and locate water interactions vis-à-vis the geopolitical context while applying common terms such as water security and the hydropolitical security complex. Finally, a third objective is to analyze the discourse of experts on the topic of water security, hydropolitics, and desalination to highlight relevant factors of large- scale desalination and effective transboundary water management. This study fills an existing gap in the water security and desalination nexus while laying the foundations for further research. ; (POLS - Sciences politiques et sociales) -- UCL, 2022

This paper explores the evolving patterns of hydropolitical relations in the dynamic contexts of Yarmouk and Blue Nile Rivers in comparison. The analysis aims at shedding light over the complex implications that recent political and social changes have aroused for the water disputes between Jordan and Syria on the one hand, and Ethiopia and Egypt on the other. In both basins, cooperative efforts toward the integrated management of transboundary waters have been only partially effective and largely undermined by the perpetuation of unilateral actions by riparian states. In the case studies, the lack of a basinwide vision over the control and use of shared waters has resulted in disputes among the basin states and ultimately in an unsustainable, unfair, and unwise utilization of the resources. This paper argues that a substantive and effective integration of national water policies is unlikely to occur, unless power asymmetries are properly addressed in order to overcome the likelihood of hegemonic regimes.

This paper explores the evolving patterns of hydropolitical relations in the dynamic contexts of Yarmouk and Blue Nile Rivers in comparison. The analysis aims at shedding light over the complex implications that recent political and social changes have aroused for the water disputes between Jordan and Syria on the one hand, and Ethiopia and Egypt on the other. In both basins, cooperative efforts toward the integrated management of transboundary waters have been only partially effective and largely undermined by the perpetuation of unilateral actions by riparian states. In the case studies, the lack of a basin-wide vision over the control and use of shared waters has resulted in disputes among the basin states and ultimately in an unsustainable, unfair, and unwise utilization of the resources. This paper argues that a substantive and effective integration of national water policies is unlikely to occur, unless power asymmetries are properly addressed in order to overcome the likelihood of hegemonic regimes.

This paper explores the evolving patterns of hydropolitical relations in the dynamic contexts of Yarmouk and Blue Nile Rivers in comparison. The analysis aims at shedding light over the complex implications that recent political and social changes have aroused for the water disputes between Jordan and Syria on the one hand, and Ethiopia and Egypt on the other. In both basins, cooperative efforts toward the integrated management of transboundary waters have been only partially effective and largely undermined by the perpetuation of unilateral actions by riparian states. In the case studies, the lack of a basin-wide vision over the control and use of shared waters has resulted in disputes among the basin states and ultimately in an unsustainable, unfair, and unwise utilization of the resources. This paper argues that a substantive and effective integration of national water policies is unlikely to occur, unless power asymmetries are properly addressed in order to overcome the likelihood of hegemonic regimes.

The distribution of water between co-riparian regions in the Indus Basin has been an extremely contentious issue since at least the early 20th century. The reliability of water measurements, in particular, has caused much controversy at multiple scales. This hydropolitical tension has catalysed a key social group – the hydraulic bureaucracy or 'hydrocracy' – to enact strategies of depoliticisation. These strategies aim to suppress political contest by calling on external expertise and/or technology to assure the objectivity of water measurement data. This paper draws on archival data and interviews with water engineers to argue that technocratic depoliticisation operates in distinct but related ways at different scales. Further, I argue that to analyse the technocratic desire for a data state – a state that governs primarily or exclusively by number and calculation – a multi-scalar theoretical framework that connects the politics of technocracy, territory and nationalism is needed. The paper develops such a framework by situating hydrocrats and their strategies in the broader context of state formation. This framework is offered as a way for critical scholars of resources, development and expertise to engage with depoliticisation and repoliticisation of resource governance as complex geographic processes. The information, practices and views in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the opinion of the Royal Geographical Society (with IBG). © 2016 Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers)