In political philosophy one often encounters claims on behalf of pluralism, yet there is anything but a consensus over the meaning of this fundamental concept. It is true that there is no single pluralist tradition; rather, there are different pluralist traditions within different domains of practical reason. No one would object, however, to the notion that Isaiah Berlin's "value pluralism" is a genuine form of meta-ethical pluralism. Charles Taylor is another philosopher who is often called a pluralist, but I shall argue that this is a mistake. One of the central goals of his philosophy is that of reconciling competing aims and ends and this is incompatible with pluralism.
The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."
At the confluence of rawlsian political liberalism and neoaristotelician anthropology, Martha Nussbaum's captivity approach provides a theoretical framework for responding to multicultural tensions. This article is a detailed analysis of Nussbaum's response to these challenges, which purports to unite axiological pluralism and strong moral universalism. We will argue that the philosopher's approach brings tension between rawlsian political liberalism and the conceptual framework provided by the list of capabilities. This list poses a challenge due to the democratic deficit of its foundations, as it does not sufficiently incorporate standards of inclusion and representation. As a last step, we will try to address these problems by incorporating deliberative requirements into the Nussbaum approach. ; Se situant au confluent du libéralisme politique rawlsien et de l'anthropologie néoaristotélicienne, l'approche des capabilités de Martha Nussbaum offre un cadre théorique permettant de répondre aux tensions multiculturelles. Cet article constitue une analyse détaillée de la réponse de Nussbaum à ces enjeux, qui prétend unir un pluralisme axiologique à un universalisme moral fort. Nous avancerons que la démarche entreprise par la philosophe porte une tension entre le libéralisme politique rawlsien et le cadre conceptuel apporté par la liste des capabilités. Cette liste pose une difficulté par le déficit démocratique de ses fondements, n'intégrant pas suffisamment des normes d'inclusion et de représentation. Dans un dernier temps, nous tenterons de pallier ces problèmes en intégrant à l'approche de Nussbaum des exigences délibératives.
Presentation. The lives of pluralism, between anthropology and law, Emmanuelle Piccoli, Geneviève Motard and Christoph Eberhard Why in Africa "the law" always denies the pluralism that communitarianism brings about? Étienne Le Roy legal conjugations: from the dynamics of the law in a migratory situation, Dominik Kohlhagen Immigrants and refugees to the social life of rights, Francine Saillant, Joseph J. Lévy and Alfredo Ramirez-Villagra Droit et cultures en sol français: stories of Jewish and Muslim women at dawn and dusk of divorce, Pascale Fournier Cultural Diversity in Trial: the experience of Belgian justice by families with a migrant component, what challenges for legal pluralism? Caroline Simon and Barbara Truffin When custom does the law. From the Inuit anthropological terrain to the role of expert testimony before the legal bodies, Bernard Saladin d'Anglure sur la Frontières: coastal Salish and the erosion of sovereignty, Bruce Granville Miller Pluralism and contemporary territorial rights and responsibilities in the Atikamekw Nehirowisiwok, Benoit Éthier ENTREVUE, Take indigenous law seriously, Maintenance with Hadley Friedland, Geneviève Motard and Mathieu-Joffre Lainé ; Présentation. Les vies du pluralisme, entre l'anthropologie et le droit, Emmanuelle Piccoli, Geneviève Motard et Christoph Eberhard Pourquoi, en Afrique, «le droit » refuse-t-il toujours le pluralisme que le communautarisme induit ? , Étienne Le Roy Conjugaisons juridiques : des dynamiques du droit en situation migratoire, Dominik Kohlhagen Immigrants et réfugiés au prisme de la vie sociale des droits, Francine Saillant, Joseph J. Lévy et Alfredo Ramirez-Villagra Droit et cultures en sol français : récits de femmes juives et musulmanes à l'aube et au crépuscule du divorce, Pascale Fournier La diversité culturelle en procès : l'expérience de la justice belge par les familles à composante migratoire, quels enjeux pour le pluralisme juridique ?, Caroline Simon et Barbara Truffin Quand la coutume fait Loi. Du terrain anthropologique inuit ...
The European human rights regime, while protecting homosexual individuals from certain forms of discrimination, leaves member countries to regulate same-sex unions ; International audience While the European regime of human rights protects individual gays and lesbiens against certain forms of discrimination, it leaves the Member States to regualte same-sex unions. ; The European human rights regime, while protecting homosexual individuals from certain forms of discrimination, leaves member countries to regulate same-sex unions ; Le régime européen des droits de l'homme, s'il protège l'individu homosexuel contre certaines formes de discriminations, laisse les pays membres réglementer les unions homosexuelles
International audience Far from being natural, the compatibility between the legal orders of the European Union and member states is the result of arrangements and decisions through which judges ensure the preeminence of European norms over national legislation and extend the rule of law over an ever-widening realm.
One of the main characteristics of today's democratic societies is their pluralism. As a result, liberal political philosophers often claim that the state should remain neutral with respect to different conceptions of the good. Legal and social policies should be acceptable to everyone regardless of their culture, their religion or their comprehensive moral views. One might think that this commitment to neutrality should be especially pronounced in urban centres, with their culturally diverse populations. However, there are a large number of laws and policies adopted at the municipal level that contradict the liberal principle of neutrality. In this paper, I want to suggest that these perfectionistlaws and policies are legitimate at the urban level. Specifically, I will argue that the principle of neutrality applies only indirectly to social institutions within the broader framework of the nation-state. This is clear in the case of voluntary associations, but to a certain extent this rationale applies also to cities. In a liberal regime, private associations are allowed to hold and defend perfectionist views, focused on a particular conception of the good life. One problem is to determine the limits of this perfectionism at the urban level, since cities, unlike private associations, are publicinstitutions. My aim here is therefore to give a liberal justification to a limited form of perfectionism of municipal laws and policies. ; Une caractéristique centrale des sociétés libérales démocratiques contemporaines est leur pluralisme. Conséquemment, les philosophes politiques libéraux affirment souvent que l'État devrait demeurer neutre face aux différentes conceptions du bien. Les lois et politiques sociales devraient être acceptables aux yeux de tous, peu importe leur culture, leur religion ou leurs valeurs morales. On pourrait croire que ce principe de neutralité devrait s'appliquer à plus fortes raisons dans les centres urbains, caractérisés par une population culturellement très diversifiée. Il existe pourtant ...
from 1830 to 1870, the French religious landscape lives under the sign of 'framed pluralism'. It is the 'cohesive system' which then prevails. Catholic, Jewish, Lutheran and reformed protesters enjoy equivalent rights and benefits (in principle), but "religious margins" are excluded from the system. The example of the Aisne baptists illustrates these limitations: three of their temples were closed during this period, while evangelisation activities were repressed. Prior to the Third Republic, religious freedom was not the same for all. Protestant 'non-concordants' and 'new converts', such as baptist, were sometimes deprived of it. ; From 1830 to 1870, the French religious landscape was marked by a resticted pluralism. The system of the "Concordat" organized relationships between State and religious institutions. Catholics, Jews, lutheran and reformed Protestants enjoyed equivalent rights and advantages (in principle). However, "religious margins" were excluded from the system of Concordat. The example of the Baptists (in the Aisne departement, France) illustrates this limits : three of their chapels were closed during this period while their evangelistic activities were repressed. Prior to the Third Republic, religious freedom was not the same for all. Those outside the "Concordat" and new protestant converts such as Baptists were at time deprived of their religious freedom. ; from 1830 to 1870, the French religious landscape lives under the sign of 'framed pluralism'. It is the 'cohesive system' which then prevails. Catholic, Jewish, Lutheran and reformed protesters enjoy equivalent rights and benefits (in principle), but "religious margins" are excluded from the system. The example of the Aisne baptists illustrates these limitations: three of their temples were closed during this period, while evangelisation activities were repressed. Prior to the Third Republic, religious freedom was not the same for all. Protestant 'non-concordants' and 'new converts', such as baptist, were sometimes deprived of it. ; De ...
Whilst North to South knowledge transfer patterns have been extensively problematised by Southern and decolonial perspectives, there is very little reflection on the practice of research capacity development (RCD), still strongly focused on technoscientific solutionism, yet largely uncritical of its underlying normative directions and power asymmetries. Without making transparent these normative and epistemological dimensions, RCD practices will continue to perpetuate approaches that are likely to be narrow, technocratic and unreflexive of colonial legacies, thus failing to achieve the aims of RCD, namely, the equitable and development-oriented production of knowledge in low- and middle-income societies. Informed by the authors' direct experience of RCD approaches and combining insights from decolonial works and other perspectives from the margins with Science and Technology Studies, the paper undertakes a normative and epistemological deconstruction of RCD mainstream practice. Highlighting asymmetries of power and material resources in knowledge production, the paper's decolonial lens seeks to aid the planning, implementation and evaluation of RCD interventions. Principles of cognitive justice and epistemic pluralism, accessibility enabled by systems thinking and sustainability grounded on localisation are suggested as the building blocks for more reflexive and equitable policies that promote research capacity for the purpose of creating social value and not solely for the sake of perpetuating technoscience.
Summary: In 2019, Moscow was the scene of political demonstrations caused by the authorities' blocking of opposition candidates' registration for local elections in the city. These mobilisations represented a real challenge for the political regime as the culmination of a series of citizens' protests, which, due to various factors, spread across the country. Its context, development and possible implications are analysed in this article, both in correlation with the nature of the methods of 'managed democracy' within Russia's electoral autocracy regime, and with the improvement of technological tools against two consequences: political pluralism and restrictions on civil practice. ; Resumen: En 2019, Moscú fue escenario de manifestaciones políticas causadas por el bloqueo de las autoridades al registro de candidatos de la oposición para las elecciones locales de la ciudad. Estas movilizaciones representaron un verdadero desafío para el régimen político por tratarse de la culminación de una serie de protestas ciudadanas que, debido a distintos factores, se extendieron a lo largo y ancho del país. Su contexto, desarrollo y posibles implicaciones se analizan en el presente artículo, tanto en correlación con la naturaleza de los métodos de la "democracia gestionada" dentro del régimen de autocracia electoral de Rusia, como con el perfeccionamiento de las herramientas tecnológicas frente a dos consecuencias: el pluralismo político y las restricciones de la práctica civil.
Resumen: La obra teórico-política de Chantal Mouffe puede ser leída a partir de dos registros. Por un lado, es atendible su propuesta de una democracia agonista, capaz de sacudir las osificaciones y letargos que aquejan a nuestras repúblicas liberales de masas, mediante un adecuado procesamiento del conflicto y una ampliación del pluralismo que expandan la agencia ciudadana allende los formatos tradicionales. Por el otro, el sesgo ideológico, la incapacidad para dar cuenta del pluralismo constitutivo de la sociedad contemporánea y el divorcio con la evidencia histórica del populismo realmente existente siembran dudas sobre el populismo de izquierda mouffeano como vehículo de la soberanía popular y alternativa de democratización radical. En esta última dirección, el presente texto dará cuenta de las contradicciones entre los presupuestos del enfoque populista mouffeano y la deriva autocrática venezolana. Apostando a la construcción colectiva de una democratización ampliada, posliberal y no populista, para los retos del presente.
also published online http://surlejournalisme.com/rev/index.php/slj/article/view/72/24 The article consists of a multi-methodological study of the online news landscape, as part of a research project entitled Internet Pluralism and Redondance de l'Information. The study seeks to identify, in the publication stream and in the circulation of a new one, the elements of convergence and recovery, or, on the contrary, the creativity and singularisation of the various types of news sites (online media, infomedaries, native internet sites and blogs) from the publication on 8 March 2011 of articles on a poll giving Marine Le Pen the top of the voting intentions for the 2012 presidential election. The article essentially serves two purposes. The first is to identify the volume of production of information on the subject in the various sites, taking into account the circulation of the new one in its diachronic dimension. The second is to identify certain standards in the production of the various sites, by studying sources and signatures, visual treatment and the use of hyperlinks. The results show lines of convergence and divergence between the different categories of sites: productivity strategies and standardised recovery of information vs singularity, re-processing of information and promotion of a relational network. ; International audience This article consists in a multi-methodological study of online news landscape, which is part of a research project called Internet Pluralism and Redundancy of Information. The study aims to identify, in the publication flow and in the spreading of online news, some elements of convergence or divergence between different categories of websites (online medias, infomediaries, medias born online and blogs) in their publication, on the 8th of March 2011, of a poll about presidential elections, setting far-right leader Marine Le Pen on top of voting intentions. The article essentially aims at two purposes. The first one is to identify the amount of information production dedicated to ...
In classic — so called democratic — elections the governors are normally bound by the outcome of the electoral consultation. Their replacement by opposition leaders is conceivable, at least in principle. That is not the case for elections falling within a composite category of elections which can be described as 'semi-competitive'. This does not mean, despite the absence of key issues, that this type of electoral consultation has no interest. In this respect, the various presidential and legislative elections that have taken place in Tunisia since November 1987 make it possible to seize the mechanisms for structuring and restructuring the Tunisian opposition in the context of controlled pluralism. Looking at the history of the country, it can be understood that the elections have never been a challenge to power, nor even helped to change its direction. Opposition leaders who embarked on this path had to defeat very quickly, with calls denouncing manipulation and electoral fraud remaining a dead letter. While the 'pluralistic' elections never involved the two heads of state who have hitherto chaired the destiny of the Tunisian Republic, they nevertheless have various meanings, which vary according to the contexts and objectives assigned to them by political power. They can be used to assess the power ratios and conclusions to be drawn from them (April 1989). They provide an opportunity to punish opponents who have violated the "code of good conduct" set by the power and to grant both material and symbolic rewards to those who have remained within the framework defined by it (October 1999). Electoral deadlines also serve to show abroad that the regime is on the path to deepening pluralism and democratisation. They are then a response to those who, in Europe or elsewhere, accuse the power of violating human rights. Moreover, at a time when the Maghreb political environment opens up to a multi-party parliamentary system, the Tunisian authorities must not stay behind (October 1999). It is in the light of these ...
International audience The French Basque Country (FBC) represents an emblematic case of the politicization of local development through grassroots economic activism. These mobilizations are particularly obvious in the agricultural sector. Based on a qualitative research on small farmers' organizations and short food circuits, this article shows that Basque farmers' mobilizations constitute a case of a dual politicization of small-scale farming and territorial identity. This process has gone through two phases: the first period (1970-2000) was characterized by the politicization of local productive systems. Throughout the decade 2000-2010, a new mode of grassroots economic activism emerged, signalled by new alliances between producers and consumers, and by an increasing ideological pluralism. Two case studies illustrate these developments. The first relates to a case of explicit politicization with the controversy around the foundation in 2005 of an alternative Basque Chamber of Agriculture. The second case study is devoted to the development of short food circuits in the FBC, considered here as a case of implicit politicization of the encounter between productive and consumption circuits. Both cases illustrate the politicization of new economic social movements, and the constant overlapping of sectoral and territorial claims in the Basque territory
The latest presidential election highlighted certain shortcomings in the legal framework of political pluralism, including a lack of pragmatisstrongly damaging to democratic debate. However, even if the framework devised by the legislature and the regulatory authority is applied to the letter by the publishers of the infringements — no penalty has ever been imposed on that basis — these are essential considerations both, more than ever, the audiovisual media are in a position to shape public opinion. Before turning to the specific rules applicable to electoral periods and, in particular, to the presidential elections (II), the rules applicable in ordinary times must be recalled, especially since they have recently undergone a revolution (I). ; International audience ; The latest presidential election highlighted certain shortcomings in the legal framework of political pluralism, including a lack of pragmatisstrongly damaging to democratic debate. However, even if the framework devised by the legislature and the regulatory authority is applied to the letter by the publishers of the infringements — no penalty has ever been imposed on that basis — these are essential considerations both, more than ever, the audiovisual media are in a position to shape public opinion. Before turning to the specific rules applicable to electoral periods and, in particular, to the presidential elections (II), the rules applicable in ordinary times must be recalled, especially since they have recently undergone a revolution (I). ; La dernière élection présidentielle a mis en exergue certaines carences durégime juridique du pluralisme politique, notamment un manque de pragmatismefort dommageable pour le débat démocratique. Or, même si le cadre dessiné par lelégislateur et l'autorité de régulation est appliqué à la lettre par les éditeurs deservices – aucune sanction n'a jamais été prononcée sur ce fondement –, il s'agit làde considérations essentielles tant, plus que jamais, les médias audiovisuels sont enmesure de modeler l'opinion ...
