The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."
Since Marine Le Pen took the lead of the Front National that his party changed into the media field. However, it was less the Front National that changed its image in opinion. A virtual image built by polls and media that devoted its 'novelty' even before Marine Le Pen undertook any renovation. ; International audience ; Since Marine Le Pen took the lead of the Front National that his party changed into the media field. However, it was less the Front National that changed its image in opinion. A virtual image built by polls and media that devoted its 'novelty' even before Marine Le Pen undertook any renovation. ; Depuis que Marine Le Pen a pris la tête du Front national l'idée que son parti a changé s'est imposée dans le champ médiatique. Pourtant c'est moins le Front national qui a changé que son image dans l'opinion. Une image virtuelle construite par des sondages et des medias qui ont consacré sa « nouveauté » avant même que Marine Le Pen ait entrepris la moindre opération de rénovation.
Trente ans ! Le bel âge !En ces temps où tout dispositif qui ne se présente pas sous l'étendard de la nouveauté est taxé de vétusté et se retrouve illico menacé d'obsolescence, il est des dates anniversaires qui jouent comme réassurance. Force est de constater que certains dispositifs témoignent d'une modernité qui ne passe pas ; et ce, d'autant mieux qu'en leurs principes fondateurs, ils incluent un certain nombre de tensions internes, une constitution « dialogique », une complexité qui les met …
Summary: After Vice-President Temer supported President Rousseff's political trial in Brazil, the vice-presidency (again) has been criticised in Latin America. A long history of criticism of the Vice-Presidency is renewed for being a source of conflict and instability. However, this article argues that the criticism suffers from a misconceptualisation that confuses the problem of the vice-presidency with three succession problems in presidential systems: problems of loyalty, legitimacy and presidential replacement. With the use of a new database on succession rules in Latin America, the article, through a comparative and historical analysis, discusses how political systems have responded to these problems through constitutional reforms to succession rules and how recent presidential interruptions in the region challenge the extent to which presidential replacement rules can solve presidential crises. ; Resumen: Luego de que el vicepresidente Temer apoyó el juicio político de la presidenta Rousseff en Brasil, la vicepresidencia (de nuevo) ha sido criticada en América Latina. Se renueva una larga trayectoria de críticas a la vicepresidencia por ser una fuente de conflictos e inestabilidad. Sin embargo, este artículo argumenta que la crítica adolece de una conceptualización equivocada que confunde el problema de la vicepresidencia con tres problemas de sucesión en sistemas presidenciales: los problemas de lealtad, de legitimidad y de sustitución presidencial. Con el uso de una base de datos nueva sobre las reglas de sucesión en América Latina, el artículo, mediante un análisis comparativo e histórico, discute cómo los sistemas políticos han respondido a estos problemas a través de reformas constitucionales a las reglas de sucesión y cómo las recientes interrupciones presidenciales en la región desafían el grado en el que las reglas de sustitución presidencial puedan resolver las crisis presidenciales.
On twelve October, 1492 the networks of the Old and New World ─ the former represented by Admiral Christopher Columbus and his crew, the latter by the indigenous people of the Caribbean ─ connected for the first time. In this paper we will combine material culture and historical sources to explore the structure and content of the relations between individuals and groups during this first encounter. These early interactions between Europeans and indigenous people had a formative influence on the development of later cross-cultural contacts and historical accounts of the first voyages have always been an invaluable resource for studying these. However, because sources like the famous Colombus Diario feature a complex set of inter-personal ties between Columbus, political players back in Europe, other crew members, and, last but not least, Caribbean indigenous people, it has been difficult to discern the larger structural patterns behind the events. To come to a deeper understanding of some of the actions of Columbus and other key players we will employ (ego-)network approaches to abstract and analyze the structure of ties that are mentioned in the documents. We will focus in particular on the importance of the exchange of goods for the relations between European and indigenous peoples and suggest that a material culture study of encounter contexts can aid in the further contextualization of these inter-personal networks. This will show how, by sharing, exchanging or otherwise incorporating material culture in their interactions, Europeans and Amerindians alike attempted to create and maintain ties of huge personal and historical interest.
It was during the 1980s that Spain became part of the European migration system as a receiving country. This transition from the Spanish migration system, combined with the experiences of some neighbouring countries, such as Italy, Portugal and Greece, was identified by experts as one of the most notable novelties of the international migration panorama of the end of the century (R. King, 2000). The transition from countries of emigration to immigration societies has not been smooth. The novelty of the phenomenon, the difficulties of intercultural cohabitation, the lack of institutions responsible for managing migration and the lack of experience in the face of a completely new and very complex social fact, have separated many relatively unjustified fears, as well as an agile public debate. ; Peer reviewed ; It was during the 1980s that Spain became part of the European migration system as a receiving country. This transition from the Spanish migration system, combined with the experiences of some neighbouring countries, such as Italy, Portugal and Greece, was identified by experts as one of the most notable novelties of the international migration panorama of the end of the century (R. King, 2000). The transition from countries of emigration to immigration societies has not been smooth. The novelty of the phenomenon, the difficulties of intercultural cohabitation, the lack of institutions responsible for managing migration and the lack of experience in the face of a completely new and very complex social fact, have separated many relatively unjustified fears, as well as an agile public debate. ; C'est pendant les années quatre-vingt que l'Espagne s'intègre au système migratoire européen en tant que pays récepteur. Cette transition du système migratoire espagnol, associée aux expériences de quelques pays voisins, comme l'Italie, le Portugal et la Grèce, a été distinguée par les experts comme l'une des nouveautés les plus notables du panorama migratoire international de la fin du siècle (R. King, 2000). Le ...
This paper documents how democratization in South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong since the 1980s has led to the materialization of growing political cleavages. Political integration, manifested by attitudes towards North Korea in South Korea, and towards mainland China in Hong Kong and Taiwan, have been a key issue structuring party competition and electoral behaviors in the three territories. In Hong Kong and South Korea, this issue has sharply divided old and new generations, albeit in a somewhat different way. In Hong Kong, younger cohorts are substantially more likely to vote for parties supporting lower political integration. In South Korea, older generations show significantly higher support for unification, but they are also much more likely to vote for conservatives, who firmly oppose any attempt to engage with the North Korean regime, a phenomenon rooted in decades of tensions and fiercely anticommunist regimes. In Taiwan, such a strong generational divide is absent, but the independence/unification cleavage has interacted with ethnicity: immigrants from mainland China and their descendants have been more supportive of the pro-unification Kuomintang than natives. This is also the case in Hong Kong, where sustained immigration from the mainland has come with the emergence of a strong anti-immigration cleavage. We argue that the strength of these cleavages and the lack of political mobilization of the working class for historical reasons have played a key role in explaining the near absence of class cleavages in all three territories. While economic concerns do play a role in nurturing mass mobilizations, cultural and political identities, rather than material concerns, seem to continue shaping party systems in East Asia.
The decommissioning of ongoing and future nuclear power plants is a pressing issue of organisational reliability. On the one hand, organisations are reconstituted in the face of new challenges and, on the other hand, they outsource a large number of tasks related to decommissioning. Subcontracting is certainly not a novelty in the maintenance of power stations, but the special nature of dismantling operations leads us to re-explore the organisation as a whole, taking account of the new regulations between the players involved. This article refers to a reflection carried out at the Centre for Research on Risks and Crises on the place of the subcontractor in the decision-making process of the parent organisation. ; Le démantèlement des centrales nucléaires en cours et à venir repose avec acuité la question de la fiabilité organisationnelle. D'une part parce-que les organisations se recomposent face à de nouveaux enjeux, d'autre part parce qu'elles externalisent un grand nombre de tâches en lien avec le démantèlement. La sous-traitance n'est certes pas une nouveauté dans la maintenance des centrales, cependant la particularité des opérations de démantèlement nous conduit à ré-explorer l'organisation dans son ensemble en tenant compte des nouvelles régulations entre les acteurs. Cet article fait état d'une réflexion menée au Centre de Recherche sur les Risques et les Crises sur la place du sous-traitant dans le processus décisionnel de l'organisation mère.
57 73 20 1 ; SWORD ; [EN] We introduce new infinite games, played in a quasi-uniform space, that generalise the proximal game to the framework of quasi-uniform spaces. We then introduce bi-proximal spaces, a concept that generalises proximal spaces to the quasi-uniform setting. We show that every bi-proximal space is a W-space and as consequence of this, the bi-proximal property is preserved under Σ-products and closed subsets. It is known that the Sorgenfrey line is almost proximal but not proximal. However, in this paper we show that the Sorgenfrey line is bi-proximal, which shows that our concept of bi-proximal spaces is more general than that of proximal spaces. We then present separation properties of certain bi-proximal spaces and apply them to quasi-uniform box products. Sabao, H.; Olela Otafudu, O. (2019). Infinite games and quasi-uniform box products. Applied General Topology. 20(1):57-73. https://doi.org/10.4995/agt.2019.9679 J. R. Bell, The uniform box product, Proc. Amer. Soc. 142 (2014), 2161-2171. https://doi.org/10.1090/S0002-9939-2014-11910-1 J. R. Bell, An infinite game with topological consequences, Topol. Appl. 175 (2014), 1-14. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.topol.2014.06.014 T. Daniel and G. Gruenhage, Some nonnormal $sum$-products, Topol. Appl. 43, no. 1 (1992), 19-25. https://doi.org/10.1016/0166-8641(92)90150-X P. Fletcher and W. F. Lindgren, Quasi-uniform spaces, Lecture Notes in Pure and Applied Mathematics., vol. 77, Marcel Dekker Inc., New York, 1982. G. Gruenhage, Infinite games and generalizations of first-countable spaces, Gen. Topol. Appl. 6 (1976), 339-352. https://doi.org/10.1016/0016-660X(76)90024-6 F. Ishikawa, On countably paracompact spaces, Proc. Japan Acad. 31, no. 10 (1955), 686-687. https://doi.org/10.3792/pja/1195525547 K. Kunen, Paracompactness of box products of compact spaces, Trans. Amer. Math. Soc. 240 (1978), 307-316. https://doi.org/10.1090/S0002-9947-1978-0514975-6 H.-P. A. Künzi, An introduction to quasi-uniform spaces, in: Beyond Topology (F. Mynard and E. Pearl, ...
RFJ 2005 I p. 323 (Special provisions), 323 'Only a democratic civil society can constitute a democratic state, but only a democratic state can contribute to the formation of a democratic civil society.' 1 Introduction It is a major innovation in the new cantonal constitution, which has gone relatively unnoticed so far. This novelty lies in the constitutionalisation of civil society through the three articles of Title VIII Civil Society. Civil society 2 and secular community life 3 have therefore now become one of the constitutional principles of the Canton of Freiburg, after having recently been introduced into the new Constitution in Vaudoise 4, but at a time when RFJ 2005 I p. 323 (Special Provisions), 324 * ; http://doc.rero.ch/record/28370?ln=fr International audience ; RFJ 2005 I p. 323 (Special provisions), 323 'Only a democratic civil society can constitute a democratic state, but only a democratic state can contribute to the formation of a democratic civil society.' 1 Introduction It is a major innovation in the new cantonal constitution, which has gone relatively unnoticed so far. This novelty lies in the constitutionalisation of civil society through the three articles of Title VIII Civil Society. Civil society 2 and secular community life 3 have therefore now become one of the constitutional principles of the Canton of Freiburg, after having recently been introduced into the new Constitution in Vaudoise 4, but at a time when RFJ 2005 I p. 323 (Special Provisions), 324 * ; RFJ 2005 I p. 323 (Cahier spécial), 323 "Seule une société civile démocratique peut constituer un Etat démocratique, mais seul un Etat démocratique peut contribuer à la constitution d'une société civile démocratique." 1 Introduction Il est une innovation de taille dans la nouvelle Constitution cantonale qui est pourtant passée relativement inaperçue jusqu'ici. Cette nouveauté réside dans la constitutionnalisation de la société civile par les trois articles du Titre VIII Société civile. La société civile 2 et la vie associative ...
The recent fi nancial crisis and the way it was handled by European Union (EU) received a great deal of media coverage, and since the media has a tendency to alter public opinion, it is safe to assume that it has aff ected some Europeans' attitudes towards the EU. In order to test that assumption, a model was built around the theoretical framework of "media malaise," and »political support«. It was found that the media certainly aff ected and shaped public opinion; however, study revealed that consuming media has not made people more cynical towards the EU. Based on secondary data analysis of Eurobarometer the study reveals positive relationship of media mobilization eff ect with European's political attitudes and identity.
